scientific journal Political Sociology of the Islamic Revolution

Abstract Domestic and foreign thinkers and writers, considering the significance and impact of Ayatollah Khamenei’s political views, have analyzed them from various perspectives. One of these approaches is the use of Skinner’s theory. In fact, the central question and objective of this research is how, based on Skinner’s theory, the evolution of Ayatollah Khamenei’s political thought—especially regarding the concept of Velayat-e Faqih—can be explained.



Using an explanatory method, it can be said that the epistemic framework of the Supreme Leader’s political thought—such as theology, anthropology, ontology, epistemology, and teleology—has been examined within the context of Islamic political thought. Then, by referring to the interrelation of theory and practice in his political thought, his positions on various aspects of Velayat-e Faqih have been analyzed across five periods.It can be argued that the Supreme Leader’s stances on the theory of Velayat-e Faqih should be considered in two dimensions: intellectual and executive. From the intellectual perspective, no structural epistemic shift has appeared in his political thought throughout the evolution of the Islamic Republic. However, due to the nature of his executive responsibilities (whether as president or as leader), the nature of internal and external threats, and the necessity of national development, his viewpoints have undergone transformations. These transformations can be categorized from several angles, including authority, private and public spheres, legitimacy and acceptability, efficiency, and considerations of expediency.

Abstract The evolution of China's foreign policy in the last decade reflects a transition from an "avoidance of intervention" approach to active and network-oriented activism in the peripheral environment. The West Asian region has become one of the strategic centers of this transformation due to its geopolitical position, energy resources, and transit location. The present study uses the conceptual framework of "neighborhood policy" to explain China's new foreign policy in West Asia and examines Iran and Turkey as two comparative case studies. The main question is how China's policy in this region can be explained in the context of the logic of geoeconomic neighborhood and what factors explain the difference in China's interaction pattern with Iran and Turkey? The findings show that China, within the framework of the Belt and Road megaproject, has adopted a strategy based on deepening economic dependence, diversifying transit routes, and soft balancing against the influence of the United States. In this framework, Iran plays the role of a geopolitical partner in balancing with the West, while Turkey is more defined as a logistical node and connector of Eurasia. The research concludes that China's neighborhood policy is pragmatic, network-oriented, and non-coalitional in nature, and operates based on "comparative geoeconomic balance."

Abstract Political culture means structures, values, attitudes, and feelings towards politics and political behavior in society. Given the importance of political culture, the following research uses the Laclau and Mouffe discourse analysis method to study the political culture of Iranian religious intellectuals after the Islamic Revolution. The statistical population includes 20 texts from five religious intellectuals. The findings show that the central signifier of the discourse of these intellectuals was “critique of political power,” which is articulated with floating signifiers including “freedom,” “human rights,” “dialogue and negation of violence,” “civil society,” and “critique of tradition,” which find meaning within the framework of the central signifier. This discourse is a reflection of a participatory political culture that is based on adherence to modern values such as human rights, pluralism, and critical rationality. Religious intellectuals, emphasizing the compatibility of religion and modernity, seek to redefine the relationship between tradition and modernity in the Iranian political space. The results of the research indicate that this discourse has played an effective role in shaping Iran's political and social developments after the revolution and examines the challenges of advancing political development with a critical and reformist perspective.

Abstract an embrace of modern principles. In Iran, the clash between tradition and modernity gained significant momentum in the late Naser al-Din Shah era, culminating in the establishment of the Constitutional Monarchy during Mozaffar al-Din Shah’s reign. This occurred within a society predominantly comprising uneducated peasants who, facing tyranny, sought refuge primarily within the religious community. Consequently, religious intellectuals were uniquely positioned to enlighten the populace. This research explores the views of the people and the extent of self-criticism among religious intellectuals during the Constitutional Era, as reflected in their memoirs.



The core question is: How did these religious intellectuals, in their memoirs, perceive the populace and its engagement with the Constitutional movement? Furthermore, did they express self-criticism regarding their own endeavors to educate the public on the Constitutional system’s foundational principles? The hypothesis suggests that the depiction of the people in these intellectuals’ writings often underscores public ignorance. Moreover, the level of self-criticism among religious intellectuals varied, influenced by their political affiliations and intellectual perspectives. Employing a descriptive-analytical methodology, and analyzing twelve memoirs, it was found that the presence or absence of a partisan approach among these intellectuals significantly shaped their perceptions of the people and their proposed solutions for solidifying the Constitutional system. Notably, the highest degree of self-criticism was observed among those without explicit partisan ties. A recurring concern for these religious intellectuals was also the widespread ignorance of the people across various political, cultural, and economic spheres.

Abstract In the contemporary security ecosystem, the paradigm of conflict has shifted from hard military confrontation to "Cognitive Warfare" and "Cultural Invasion," where conquering the cognitive apparatus and transforming national-religious identity replaces territorial conquest. This research aims to explicate the Islamic defense doctrine by analyzing Quranic strategies to counter soft infiltration and immunize society against information disorders. Adopting a descriptive-analytical approach and utilizing the theoretical frameworks of "Soft Power" and "Passive Defense," this study aligns revealed teachings with modern theories of communication science and political psychology. The findings indicate that the Holy Quran offers a "systematic and multi-layered" defense system based on eight fundamental pillars: 1) Enhancing "Insight (Basira) and Critical Thinking" to distinguish truth from falsehood; 2) Reconstructing "Cultural Identity" based on mutual recognition; 3) Strengthening the "Family Institution" as a center of tranquility; 4) "Producing High-Quality Content" based on knowledge; 5) Developing vibrant "Cultural Programs"; 6) Utilizing "Media Power" for social monitoring; 7) "Analytical Vigilance" against imported content; and 8) Establishing "International Coalitions" based on piety. The conclusion suggests that implementing these strategies transitions society from passivity to "Smart Resistance," guaranteeing cognitive resilience and cultural independence in the era of globalization.

Abstract This study aimed to identify the dimensions of a model for entrepreneurship education among secondary school students in Hormozgan Province, Iran. The research was exploratory in purpose and employed a qualitative approach. In the qualitative phase, the study population consisted of educational experts and specialists from the Hormozgan Province Department of Education. Using purposive sampling, ten participants were selected for in-depth interviews. In the quantitative phase, in order to evaluate and fit the model based on the criteria extracted from the qualitative findings, the perspectives of all secondary school teachers and school principals in Hormozgan Province were used. Data collection in the qualitative phase was conducted through semi-structured interviews. The interview data were analyzed and coded using MAXQDA software. The results of initial coding showed that 50 primary codes were extracted from 242 meaningful segments of the interviews. Furthermore, axial coding results indicated that these 50 primary codes were categorized into eight main dimensions: economic outcomes related to student entrepreneurship, educational factors, organizational factors, political and governmental factors, individual factors, financial factors, environmental factors, and individual benefits associated with student entrepreneurship.

Abstract In the present study, we seek to answer the question, what has the anti-American typology been like in the mind of the Supreme Leader of the Revolution? The research hypothesis is that since the formation of the Islamic Republic, anti-Americanism has been one of the dominant discourses of the Iranian government and society and forms the basis of anti-Americanism more than anything else, a Shiite phenomenon based on oppression, Ashura culture and hope for Mahdism. Its manifestation can be seen in the statements of Ayatollah Khamenei. The theoretical model of this research is based on Cohen and Katiznstein (2007) and in this regard, qualitative information has been collected using library resources and analyzed in a descriptive-analytical manner. The findings suggest that support for political Islam in Iran has a stronger relationship than being anti-American than Muslim religiosity itself. This connection between political Islam support and anti-American sentiment is linked to Cohen and Kutzenstein's argument that Islamism has a general negative view of the United States or what they call radical American anti-Americanism. Since the Islamic Revolution, anti-Americanism has gradually become part of the identity of the Islamic Republic. This can be seen in the statements of Ayatollah Khamenei, who has put the fight against arrogance and the United States at the forefront of foreign policy, because the anti-American foundation of the Islamic Revolution goes back more than anything to the Shiite phenomenon based on oppression and oppression. Hope for Mahdism has been formed, the least message of which can be

Abstract The internationalization of higher education has expanded the role of second language learning beyond its purely communicative function, positioning it as a potential capacity in the development of research leadership among university students. Despite extensive research on the cognitive and communicative outcomes of bilingualism, its multidimensional role in shaping research leadership has not been systematically conceptualized. To address this gap, the present study adopts a Systematic Conceptual Review approach and synthesizes 28 peer-reviewed studies published between 2000 and September 2025.

The findings indicate that second language learning contributes to research leadership development through five interrelated dimensions: cognitive reconfiguration, discursive empowerment, scientific identity transformation, ethical internalization, and intercultural competence enhancement. These dimensions do not operate linearly; rather, they interact dynamically and synergistically, shaping a multidimensional architecture of research leadership.

Accordingly, a conceptual model is proposed in which second language learning is understood not as a direct causal factor but as a structural enabler of cognitive, communicative, and network-based capacities underlying research leadership. The findings offer implications for higher education policymakers, curriculum planners, and graduate program designers seeking to strengthen the foundations of research leadership development within globally connected academic contexts.

Abstract This article, using a policy framing analysis, examines the issue of hijab in Iran as a case of frame contestation, in which competing meanings of womanhood, freedom, agency, and dignity are constructed and negotiated. The theoretical foundation is based on the concept of coloniality of power, revealing how Reza Shah’s forced unveiling policy established a colonial frame of the “modern woman,” where visibility became a marker of femininity and a symbol of civilizational progress. In its contemporary form, global cultural and media powers have continued to deploy this colonial frame to redefine Iranian womanhood. Drawing on recent findings in psychology and gender studies, the paper introduces de-objectification as a counter-frame to this visibility-based logic. From this perspective, objectification is not merely an individual or moral issue but a structural social process reproduced through cultural, economic, and media institutions. Its psychological and social harms – ranging from anxiety and depression to violence and family disintegration – underscore the need for systemic transformation toward a cultural order grounded in dignity, agency, and moral integrity. Finally, inspired by Ayatollah Khamenei’s notion of the “Third Model of Muslim Woman,” the paper conceptualizes de-objectification as a policy framework for reconstructing womanhood in terms of dignity and agency. It concludes that the resolution of Iran’s hijab controversy requires a structural shift from the colonial frame of freedom as visibility toward a national and moral policy of de-objectification, enabling social convergence and civilizational renewal.

Abstract هدف: این پژوهش با هدف واکاوی و تبیین نقش محوری معماری در تحقق اهداف و آرمان‌های الگوی پیشرفت اسلامی ایرانی، رویکردی جامعه‌شناختی را در پیش گرفته است. هدف اصلی، شناسایی شکاف میان واقعیت‌های کالبدی معماری معاصر و الزامات نظری الگوی مذکور و ارائه چارچوبی برای همسوسازی طراحی فضایی با مؤلفه‌های هویتی و ارزشی است.

روش‌شناسی: پژوهش حاضر با اتکا به روشی توصیفی-تحلیلی و با استفاده از مطالعات کتابخانه‌ای و اسنادی، به تحلیل مبانی نظری الگوی پیشرفت، مفاهیم جامعه‌شناسی فضا و اصول بنیادین معماری اسلامی-ایرانی می‌پردازد. تأکید اصلی بر این فرضیه استوار است که معماری نه یک خروجی صرف، بلکه یک بستر اجتماعی است که می‌تواند به بازتولید یا انهدام ساختارهای مطلوب تمدنی کمک کند.

یافته‌ها: نتایج نشان می‌دهد که معماری معاصر ایران، در غیاب یک تئوری منسجم مبتنی بر الگوی پیشرفت، دچار تقلیل‌گرایی کارکردی و زیبایی‌شناختی شده است. این رویکرد، منجر به ایجاد فضاهایی گردیده که در تضاد با مفاهیمی چون “تعالی”، “عدالت اجتماعی” و “هویت اصیل” قرار می‌گیرند. یافته‌ها بر لزوم توجه به ابعاد اجتماعی-فرهنگی و معنوی در کنار ابعاد فنی و کالبدی تأکید دارند؛ به‌گونه‌ای که هر عنصر معماری، حامل معنایی همسو با ارزش‌های اسلامی-ایرانی باشد.

دستیابی به الگوی پیشرفت اسلامی ایرانی مستلزم یک انقلاب نرم در نگرش به معماری است. این تحول، تنها از طریق نهادینه کردن رویکرد جامعه‌شناختی در فرایند طراحی و ساخت میسر خواهد بود تا معماری به جای تقلید از مدل‌های وارداتی، به مثابه یک عامل فعال در تحقق آرمان‌های تمدنی عمل نموده و بستر مناسبی برای زیست باکیفیت (مادی و معنوی) فراهم آورد.

Abstract Iran’s economy has long been characterized by a high dependence on oil revenues, a feature that has significantly influenced the country’s macroeconomic stability. One of the most critical historical episodes illustrating the consequences of this dependence is the oil shock of the 1970s, when the sharp rise in global oil prices led to an unprecedented increase in Iran’s oil income. While this surge initially stimulated rapid economic expansion and government spending, the absence of effective institutional mechanisms for managing these revenues contributed to rising liquidity, growing aggregate demand, and ultimately significant inflationary pressures. This study examines how the sudden increase in oil revenues during the 1970s contributed to inflation and structural imbalances in the Iranian economy. Using a historical–analytical approach within the framework of political economy, the research analyzes both quantitative data—including oil revenues, government expenditures, liquidity growth, GDP, and inflation—and qualitative sources such as historical documents and economic reports. The findings indicate that a large share of oil revenues was allocated to government spending, large-scale imports, and non-productive sectors, while investment in domestic productive capacities remained limited. This imbalance led to a widening gap between aggregate demand and domestic supply, intensifying inflationary pressures. The study concludes that ineffective management of oil revenues within a rentier economic structure contributed significantly to macroeconomic instability. The experience of the 1970s highlights the importance of institutional mechanisms, prudent fiscal management, and investment in productive sectors for ensuring long-term economic stability in resource-dependent economies such as Iran.

Abstract Abstract

This study examines the concepts of Tamlikiyyah (proprietary monarchy) and Velayatiyyah (mandated/guardianship monarchy) through a descriptive library method from the perspective of the prominent religious jurist and political scholar, Ayatollah Naini. The aim is to examine and compare these two forms of monarchy as articulated by Allameh Naini, an influential thinker in political and social matters, and to explain his views during the political conflicts between proponents and opponents of the Iranian Constitutional Movement in the face of authoritarian rule. According to Naini, the stability of the global order and human life is inherently tied to governance and politics. He analyzes two distinct forms of monarchy: Tamlikiyyah, which he criticizes as a system of enslavement and subjugation, and Velayatiyyah, which he praises for its emphasis on public participation and liberty. Naini considers Tamlikiyyah monarchy to be founded on absolute domination and inequality, where the sovereign exercises unrestricted ownership over the country, the state fully submits to the monarch, and all governing power is concentrated in the ruler's hands. In contrast, Velayatiyyah monarchy is rooted in freedom and equality. In this form of governance, the ruler’s authority is limited to serving the public interest, and the liberation of the nation from servitude to the sovereign is paramount. Naini highlights that the governance in a Velayatiyyah system aligns with Islamic principles and is superior to despotism. Through a detailed examination of these two forms, the study concludes that Ayatollah Naini regarded Velayatiyyah monarchy as an ideal form of Islamic governance.

Abstract The relations between social trust and political participation is one of the fundamental topics in political sociology. Research indicates that in societies with high levels of social trust also exhibit higher rate of political participation. Social capital is playing a key role in this relationship through the component of trust. Social trust not only facilitates individual interactions but also strengthens social cohesion, trust in institutions, and support for the political system. Onthe contrary, the lack of social trust reduces political participation and collective action. The main question is whether a decline in social trust, particularly trust in political institutions, has had a meaningful correlation with declining political participation in the last three presidential elections. The research findings demonstrate a direct and positive correlation between social trust and political participation; in other words, the level of political participation is a function of citizens’ trust in the political system. To analyze this nexus, political participation in the last Iranian presidential elections of 2017, 2021, and 2024 was examined using Robert Putnam’s and Michael Woolcock’s social capital theories. Results revealed that besides the correlation between social trust and political participation, the imbalance in attention to various types of social capital—bonding, bridging, and linking-are among the most important factors contributing to the decline in social trust. This imbalance has led to decreased citizens’ trust in the system and subsequently reduced their political participation. Such a relationship produces a vicious cycle of declining trust, reduced participation, weakened legitimacy, intensifying crises, and further erosion of trust.

Abstract The culture of self-sacrifice and martyrdom, as a vital foundation of religious, national, and human identity, plays an irreplaceable role in the formation, endurance, and advancement of societies. Rooted in values such as devotion, altruism, prioritizing collective interests, and sacrificing one’s life for noble ideals, this culture proves essential not only during crises such as wars and revolutions but also in sustaining long-term social, cultural, and scientific development. In Islamic teachings, self-sacrifice and martyrdom hold an exalted position and are repeatedly emphasized in the Holy Qur’an. Religious and intellectual leaders, particularly the Supreme Leader, have underscored the need to institutionalize this culture among all segments of society, especially the youth and academic communities.



This paper explores the multifaceted dimensions of the culture of self-sacrifice and martyrdom, focusing on the pivotal role of the humanities in interpreting, promoting, and deepening this culture. It examines religious, social, and cultural perspectives while highlighting the interdisciplinary contributions of philosophy, sociology, history, psychology, literature, and the arts in shaping related concepts. Moreover, the study investigates challenges faced by universities in fostering this culture through the humanities and proposes strategies such as strengthening interdisciplinary education, encouraging applied research, and employing cultural and media initiatives to reinforce the values of sacrifice and devotion.



The findings suggest that revitalizing this culture strengthens national unity, enhances social responsibility, and increases social capital—thereby contributing to sustainable development and moral resilience within society

Abstract It is important to understand the positions of leadership in foreign policy from different perspectives. In the first stage, conflicting positions can be perceived in different periods, and in the absence of a theoretical basis for describing and analyzing the positions of the leadership, any evaluation of positions is reduced to a kind of formal conflict and superficial perception. With the aim of getting rid of these conflicts and perceptions, an attempt has been made to provide a theoretical model based on the separation of foundations from principles and behaviors, by using a descriptive-analytical method and by using library resources and analyzing leadership positions and speeches within the framework of a theoretical model, in order to provide a basis for simultaneously explaining fixed foundations and interpretable principles and variable, flexible, appropriate, and tactical behaviors.

The findings indicate that changing positions in foreign policy based on the theoretical model presented, without changing the principles and worldview of leadership, is affected by the interpretation of principles and changing behaviors according to domestic requirements and the international system and changing international conditions.