scientific journal Political Sociology of the Islamic Revolution

Abstract In Imam Khomeini's thought, with the development of the responsibilities of the Islamic system, the purpose of establishing such a system at three national, regional (Islamic) and global levels is defined. Therefore, his comprehensive approach to the political system of Islam in the absence of the leadership of the Infallible Imam is extroverted and cosmopolitan. That is, he considers the effort to expand the influence of Islam in the world as the original responsibility of the Islamic State beyond national borders. In Imam's view, the way to the success of such an Islamic cosmopolitan approach is to issue a revolution that has led to the realization of an efficient Islamic government. The idea of ​​export is the common ideal of most revolutions, although the type and nature of such action varies from type to type. In Imam Khomeini's political thought and life based on religious principles, export has its own characteristics. In this approach to realistic idealism, the export of the Islamic Revolution is a two-pronged strategy that, based on the interests of both parties, leads to the pursuit of national interests while pursuing transnational responsibilities. The main question is how in Imam Khomeini's thought, the Islamic State should take steps to achieve Islamic globalism, and what relation does this set of transnational responsibilities of the Islamic State have with national interests?

Abstract The issue of change in the formation of the institution of government or state-building in recent decades in the discussion of development has been one of the most challenging issues in political science. According to neo-conservatives, the government as an independent agent has returned to the context of social and political science studies and has been able to play an independent and active role as an active and independent agent in economic and social developments. Therefore, the institution of government is of great importance in the process of development. This article tries to answer the central question of the institutionalist method and using documentary-library sources that despite the fact that more than one hundred years have passed since the existence of the government in Iran, why is the modern government still an "institution" in Iran (especially in The period we are discussing (the Islamic Republic) has not been formed and as a result the government institution does not have the necessary efficiency in development. In response to the above question, the following hypothesis can be raised: The Islamic Revolution of Iran had a flexible beginning with the phenomenon of national government, also the form of national government meaning government mechanisms and structures formed during the Pahlavi period in the Islamic Republic was preserved. Although the nature of the regime in the Islamic Republic had an Islamic identity and governments have legal institutions, but due to the priority of macro goals and aspirations (such as the establishment of a single nation) and the survival of the changing role of oil revenues in Iran's economic and political system, the phenomenon The nation-state has not been completed and the institution of government has been poorly developed.

Abstract The present article examines and explains the socio-political participation of women in a comparative way. With this approach, that women are the actors and agents of society, general and specific goals can be considered for the article, which is one of the main goals of this article, answering questions about women's participation. The development of women's participation and the resulting developments over the past few decades have reproduced questions. In this study, using a library and documentary method and with an analytical-descriptive and inferential approach, the answers to the questions are tried to be analyzed based on the existing discourses. The results show that before the revolution, women's political participation was the result of discourses resulting from the conflict between the constitution and legitimacy (constitutionalism) or between tradition and modernity (Pahlavi), and after the revolution, the struggle between equality and inequality prevailed. Given the impact of ideology on the meaning and direction of discourse, with the change of ideology in the order from traditional to modern and then constructive and technocratic discourse, gradually more familiarity with citizenship rights and participation with serious demands and diversity of demands And provides the ground for a return to self and inner freedom and innovation and creativity.

Abstract The relationship between the discourse of the Islamic Revolution and the middle class is one of the important issues in the field of Islamic Revolution and the political sociology of the Revolution. The discourse developments of the Islamic Revolution in the dimension of floating signs have caused a sinusoidal movement in the relationship between the discourse of the Islamic Revolution and the middle class, which in turn has led to various changes and developments in Iranian politics in the era of the Islamic Republic. The question of the present study focuses on the relationship between the discourse of the Islamic Revolution and the middle class. The hypothesis of the article is that: Due to the colorful role of the middle class in the field of modern governance, the governments of the Islamic Republic, based on their sub-discourse, have provided a beautiful answer in interaction with the middle class. The research method is descriptive-analytical and the data collection method is library. The research findings indicate that most of the sub-discourses of the Islamic Revolution, due to their floating signs, have sought to provide preferences over the traditional and new layers of the middle class, and as a result of these preferences, reduce or increase the strength and power of the middle class. Or have become its traditional and new layers.

Abstract The Islamic revolution was formed when the material world considered the end of the age of religion in the world. Because of this, the calculation and sociological apparatus of the West fell into a strategic error regarding the prediction and also the analysis of this phenomenon. Even today, many aspects of the why of the Islamic Revolution and its successes remain ambiguous from a sociological point of view; Due to this necessity, in this work, the author seeks to investigate the social causes of the formation of the Islamic Revolution with a descriptive-analytical method, and finally came to the conclusion that the factors shaping the Islamic Revolution, due to the realization of the factors that separate from the imperial regime and the factors The impetus for the religious government has emerged that the condition for the formation of any comprehensive revolution is these two elements, and among them are factors such as the disgust of the ruling corruption, the lack of political freedom in the atmosphere of the society, and the raising of the insight level and the actualization of the capacity. He mentioned internal and...

Abstract Social capital is a set of concepts such as trust, norms, relationships and networks, which creates optimal communication and participation between the members of a society and ultimately provides the mutual benefits of society members. Institutionalists refer to institutional factors such as traditions, customs, culture and religion as informal constraints and as influencing factors on individual perception, and these parameters play a role in creating social capital of individuals. Institutions are like the rules of the game in a political-social structure, and the institutional framework includes both formal institutions and informal institutions, which includes moral rules and value norms, the sum of beliefs and convictions that regulate human behavior. The institutional approach focuses on social capital as a dependent variable. According to the researches, there is a significant relationship between social capital and increasing the amount of political participation in different societies. As much as the social capital of people increases, they will have a higher chance to be in the power structure. Here, an attempt is made to explain the relationship between women's social capital and their presence in the Islamic Council.

Abstract The different viewpoints of the jurists of the constitutional era, regarding the nature of the government during the absence and the difference in their starting point from the basic principle of the inadmissibility of forming a government, caused a difference in the way the government was formed. This article is in response to the question that the approach of these jurists about the nature of government had an effect on the process of formation of constitutional monarchy. Using the descriptive-analytical method in the framework of interpretive historical sociology studies, the article believes: the lack of theoretical coherence of the jurists of the constitutional era in the face of the constitutional monarchy, gradually created boundaries in the society; In such a way that some considered the establishment of new institutions to be against the Shariah standards and to fight against it, and some believed that the preservation of the foundations of Islam depended on the establishment of such institutions. According to the findings of this research, the sanctification of political behavior under Sharia titles led the society towards social, political and legal gaps and gave a stable state to the created gaps. A situation that caused the removal of platforms for peaceful dialogue between the two groups of supporters and opponents and created disruptions in the process of institutionalizing constitutional monarchy as one of the indicators of the rule of law and overshadowed the process of political development in contemporary Iran.

Abstract The present study was conducted with the aim of investigating the effectiveness of political participation in modern democracy in the Islamic Republic of Iran. Modern democracy is considered one of the main parts of political life in most countries of the world today, and it is one of the pillars of democracy. It can play an important role in the participation and supervision of citizens on the performance and decisions of political system workers, the parliament and the parliamentary system and its special role in various countries in the affairs of elections and in the Islamic Republic, hence this question has been raised. Is it possible to consider whether political participation can have a significant impact in modern democracy or not? The main purpose of this article is to explore political participation in modern democracy and in the system of the Islamic Republic of Iran, so it can be said that one of the main axes of the process of political developments, especially in countries, especially in Iran, from the constitution .It has been the desire for democracy, in the conditions of democracy, it has been associated as one of the theoretical and important problems of Iranian intellectual-political currents, including socialism, Islamist and liberalism, and these currents speak of the value and desirability of democracy. In this regard, democracy is the result of popular legitimacy and popular and institutional participation based on law and legality and controlled and under the supervision of legal authority and includes political diversity and plurality.

Abstract The category of immigration is undoubtedly one of the most challenging issues in recent decades, which has affected various fields such as society, economy and culture. Many contemporary writers, based on the status and importance of the migration phenomenon, have made this issue the basis of their works and have created a special literary approach outside the borders of the motherland with their works. Among the contemporary novelists, Reza Ghasemi should be considered among those who deeply dealt with the issue of migration. From the findings of this research, which was gathered by descriptive-analytical method, it is clear that the author was able to reflect the situation of Iranian immigrants exiled from the homeland and to be the narrator of human life today with its continuous pains and sufferings. Ghasemi's works, while having the features of postmodernist literature, depict a world in which many pillars are born of beliefs, opinions, contradictions and even superstitions of the mind of an Iranian in exile. Factors such as the distress of the narrator's mind and constant fear caused by being away from the homeland, identity crisis and cultural contradiction can be seen in all three novels of the author.

Abstract Attention to things such as; The method of selection and special choice of judges, their special position and dignity compared to other professions, the significant impact on the creation of judicial procedure and legal doctrine ,.. ; and the existence of problems such as; Procrastination of proceedings, high volume of cases, lack of knowledge of some judges, ... in the judicial system, on the other hand, shows the need for judicial authorities to pay attention to the issue of judges' compensation system as one of the serious concerns of this authority.Based on this, the current research was conducted with the aim of developing a model of the compensation system for judges and validating it. The research design is qualitative and research in terms of practical purpose and in terms of how to collect information is a case study type. The participants included 15 experts and experienced judges of the judiciary with excellent resumes. The data was analyzed and coded with the help of MAXQDAv2020 software and by thematic analysis method, and to validate the research model, the acceptability indicators of Strauss and Corbin; The technique of visiting by members and the approach of self-review by the researcher have been used. The findings of the research show that the pattern of compensation for judges' services includes 2 overarching themes entitled compensation for financial services and compensation for non-financial services and 6 dimensions; Legal benefits, organizational benefits, rewards based on performance, development and learning, job relationships, environment and job and organizational conditions.

Abstract The type of cognition of a school of society and history and its understanding of these two, plays a determining role in its ideology. For this reason, one of the most important topics that Ayatollah Mutahhari paid special attention to, in the final years of his life, is the issue of society and history. He believed that the human tendency to social life is originated from his/her nature (Fitrah). According to him, society has a real identity and benefits from special combination; i.e., while having a unique existence and personality and nature, its components (members) have preserved their relative independence. Ayatollah Mutahhari based on his theory of Fitrah explains individual’s freedom and authority in the society. This issue plays an effective role in explaining the desirable governance, and understanding Intrinsic and non-intrinsic duties of the government. In fact, this research demonstrates that the existence of a unique personality and nature for society has important consequences. Therefore, in this article, Ayatollah Mutahhari’s theory on this matter and its consequences has been studied.

Abstract Taking advantage of the benefits and fruits of social capital in order to achieve the lofty goals of the political system occurs at the level of society if it is possible to know the effect of its facilitating norms and networks. Rule of law, as a matter that has always been a necessity of human social life, is one of the norms that play an important role in consolidating group structures and increasing social capital. For this purpose, the current research seeks to analyze and discover the network of main and central themes of "law orientation", through the theme analysis model, in the intellectual system of Hazrat Ayatollah Khamenei. In this research, while explaining the theme analysis method and using the theme network analysis technique, after studying, analyzing and rearranging the 950 data of the original text, finally, the number of 6 central and comprehensive themes of "law orientation" as a component of increasing social capital in the system The thinking of the Supreme Leader was described and analyzed. In the end, three strategies were proposed to strengthen social capital in this field. First: All members of society, especially agents and elites, must be fully committed to adhering to the law. Second: Legislature should seek revision and amendment of redundant, incomplete, contradictory and ambiguous laws with a serious determination. Third: Monitoring the correct and timely implementation of the law is another clear and unavoidable duty of the relevant centers, which can be very effective in improving trust and promoting social

Abstract

The largest and most influential part of today's society is the new middle class, whose roots go back to the modernization of the Reza Khan period. After the victory of the Islamic revolution, this class expanded mainly in quantity and quality, and since the 1990s, its developments have had more influence. In recent years, and more specifically since 2019, we have witnessed the creation of a more significant gap between the new middle class and the IR. political system, a gap that, more than anything, requires authorities to respond to the growing demands of this class.

This research seeks to study the developments of the new middle class, answering the following question, "What changes did the new middle class in the Islamic Republic of Iran undergo until the unrest of 1401(2022), and what are its consequences?" The data shows that the new middle class in Iran has a broad capacity for social, political, and cultural aspects that can be used. Still, the lack of proper response to their demands has recently become a security threat to the country's political system.







Keywords: new middle class, social classes, political development, modernization, political and social challenges

Abstract The primary indicator of women's empowerment is their political participation in decision-making processes. Women's political participation extends beyond mere involvement in elections and voting; it encompasses an active and effective role for women in all democratic institutions. This research aims to propose strategies for empowering women in political decision-making within the Islamic Republic of Iran. The present study seeks to address the following central question: "What strategies can empower women to engage in political decision-making in the Islamic Republic of Iran?" The research employs a qualitative method, with data collected through interviews. The statistical population for this study includes professors from the faculties of political science, social sciences, sociology, and law. The sample comprised 15 of these professors. The results, following thematic analysis, reveal that the main themes include supportive government, modern education, legal reforms, civil institutions, media collaboration, and the modeling of effective strategies for empowering women in significant political and managerial decision-making processes.

Abstract Despite the sacrifices and protests made by Iranian workers in their civil movement and efforts to promote their union rights, they have performed poorly in Iran's contemporary history for many reasons. Of course, they played an important role in the victory of the Islamic Revolution by participating in numerous strikes and protests. However, the labor movement in the form of labor unions and parties never really took root. Therefore, the present study, using a descriptive-analytical method, raises the question: What factors and challenges have prevented the effective and efficient organizational, structural, and legal influence of labor movements and institutions on Iran's economic policies during the years 1370-1400? Our hypothetical answer to this question is that labor movements and organizations, given their minimal impact on their livelihood and financial fields, ultimately failed to have much impact on the government's economic policies during the years 1370-1400. Thus, the main goal of this research is to identify the obstacles and challenges of labor movements in influencing Iran's economic policies during these years.

Abstract In order to maintain the integrity of the country, the governments are obliged to identify the identity crisis and strengthen the components of the national identity in the people. In this research, the roots of this crisis were identified in the opinions and writings of Mirza Malkam Khan by using Skinner's hermeneutic method and by studying the texts. The results show that national identity has three main pillars, religious identity, Iranian and national identity, freedom or democracy, and the conflict and attention to one and neglecting the other pillars has caused identity crisis in different eras. You can see the manifestation of national identity in the slogan of independence, freedom and the Islamic Republic. Independence shows the national and Iranian identity, freedom shows democracy and the Islamic Republic shows the religious identity of Iranians. Incomplete attention to one or two of these dimensions without paying attention to other dimensions has led to the emergence of identity crisis throughout the contemporary history of Iran.

Abstract This study provides a comparative analysis of how Iran’s major newspapers - Kayhan, Resalat, Etemad, and Shargh - represented the evolution of social cleavages across four key socio-political junctures: 2009, 2017, 2019, and 2022. The dataset comprises editorials, analytical notes, and reports purposefully selected for their direct relevance to these events.

Findings reveal that Kayhan and Resalat framed social cleavages within a discourse of system preservation, national cohesion, and political security. Terms such as sedition, unrest, foreign interference, infiltration, and hybrid warfare dominated their narratives, emphasizing the need for stability and unity. Conversely, Etemad and Shargh portrayed these cleavages as reflections of weakened state-society relations and declining public trust. Their discourse highlighted notions like public confidence, civil protest, national dialogue, and internal reform, focusing on rebuilding social capital and restoring the link between state and society.

A comparative reading shows a gradual shift from politically confrontational representations in 2009 toward socially and culturally grounded portrayals by 2022. Despite linguistic and interpretive differences, both press camps underscored the importance of maintaining social order and preventing crises. Grounded entirely in textual data and independent of external theoretical frameworks, this study offers a realistic depiction of the evolving representation of social cleavages in Iran’s media field.

Abstract Over the past two decades, Iran’s border regions have been increasingly affected by the hydrological and climatic interventions of neighboring countries; interventions whose consequences extend beyond environmental tensions, impacting the economic and social foundations of these regions. Focusing on the concept of livelihood security, the present study examines the impact of these interventions on the economic development of Iran’s border regions. The theoretical framework relies on livelihood security and Homer-Dixon's theory of ecological scarcity. Using a comparative method, the research examined three cases between 2011 and 2021: Turkey's interventions in the Tigris and Euphrates basin, Turkey and Armenia's interventions in the Aras, and Afghanistan's interventions in the Helmand. The findings indicate that these interventions, by exacerbating natural resource scarcity, have weakened the three main components of livelihood security namely, living standard stability, sustainable access to water and soil, and employment security consequently eroding the productive and economic capacities of the border regions. The reduction of water resources in these regions is not merely an environmental crisis, but entails a chain of economic and social consequences, including income decline, production drop, migration, and labor force depletion, which weakens regional development capacity. The research concludes that the weakening of livelihood security resulting from transboundary pressures has become a structural barrier to economic development in Iran's border areas. Accordingly, strengthening water diplomacy and establishing monitoring and early warning systems are essential requirements for managing this crisis.

Abstract The issue of corruption and its types in Iran during the last few decades, especially after the victory of the Islamic Revolution, has been one of the concerns and axes of decision-making and policy-making of the government and the government in its administrative and organizational subgroups; This issue becomes crucial when the Islamic revolution was basically a resistance and struggle to deal with corruption during the Pahlavi regime. Wherever corruption is regularized, the institutions, laws and rules of behavior are matched with the wrong models of bureaucrats and corrupt government officials. For this reason, the government has focused its efforts to reduce the level of corruption, especially in its administrative type. For this purpose, the present article tries to address the question within the framework of this issue, what are the main characteristics of the existing policies and strategies in the country to fight corruption? As a hypothesis and in response to the main question, it should be said to adopt legal measures, criminalize and join the conventions of fighting administrative corruption and promoting administrative health through increasing public participation in monitoring the behavior of managers, increasing transparency and accountability, and strengthening government infrastructure. Electronics has been one of the strategies of the Islamic Republic of Iran to fight against administrative corruption. This article has been compiled with a descriptive-analytical method and its data has been collected in the form of documents and libraries.

Abstract Domestic and foreign thinkers and writers, considering the significance and impact of Ayatollah Khamenei’s political views, have analyzed them from various perspectives. One of these approaches is the use of Skinner’s theory. In fact, the central question and objective of this research is how, based on Skinner’s theory, the evolution of Ayatollah Khamenei’s political thought—especially regarding the concept of Velayat-e Faqih—can be explained.



Using an explanatory method, it can be said that the epistemic framework of the Supreme Leader’s political thought—such as theology, anthropology, ontology, epistemology, and teleology—has been examined within the context of Islamic political thought. Then, by referring to the interrelation of theory and practice in his political thought, his positions on various aspects of Velayat-e Faqih have been analyzed across five periods.It can be argued that the Supreme Leader’s stances on the theory of Velayat-e Faqih should be considered in two dimensions: intellectual and executive. From the intellectual perspective, no structural epistemic shift has appeared in his political thought throughout the evolution of the Islamic Republic. However, due to the nature of his executive responsibilities (whether as president or as leader), the nature of internal and external threats, and the necessity of national development, his viewpoints have undergone transformations. These transformations can be categorized from several angles, including authority, private and public spheres, legitimacy and acceptability, efficiency, and considerations of expediency.

Abstract One of the fruits of Ayatollah Khamenei's jurisprudential and theological thoughts is the revolutionary seminary, which believes in political Islam and is based on the absolute authority of the jurist. This article aims to answer the question of what are the indicators of the revolutionary seminary from the point of view of His Holiness and what is the view of the Holy Quran on these indicators. The method of this research is qualitative and documentary method was used in data collection and thematic analysis method was used in data analysis. To answer this question, his words about this issue were examined. The resulting categories were compared with the desired categories in the Holy Quran in order to determine the extent of its conformity. The obtained indicators are: self-improvement, responding to the issues of society, collaborating and supporting the government, independent from the government in the livelihood of students, producing and explaining thoughts in the society, influencing the hearts of the people, being a scholar, taking into account the capacities of the revolution. In the analysis, the user of the capacities of the revolution in the propagation of religion. Based on the findings of the research, most of the categories extracted in the analysis of the Supreme Leader's statements have been mentioned in the verses of the Quran.

Abstract In the statement of the second step of the revolution, the Supreme Leader of the Revolution, while analyzing what happened in the first forty years and emphasizing the strengths achieved, very thoughtfully and wisely identified the peaks available in the second forty years of the revolution, relying on the role of faithful and revolutionary youth. And the way to achieve the lofty ideal of the revolution, ie the creation of a new Islamic civilization in youth and the successful and increasing presence of revolutionary youth, committed and specialized in all domestic and foreign fields. The question that arose in this study was how youthfulness from the perspective of the statement of the second step of the revolution can lead to the realization of an advanced Islamic system? The answer was that young people can achieve this with conscience, solidarity, hopeful effort, thoughtful and planned work, and at the same time trusting in God and seeking help from God and relying on the spirit of youth. The findings of the study also indicated that the approved criteria for handing over vital and effective responsibilities and positions to the youth during the second forty years were commitment, expertise, faith, courage, justice and struggle, and with emphasis. On these characteristics, this path can be walked safely and better than the first forty years. Extracting the characteristics of youthfulness from the words and thought of Imam Khamenei (as) was the model of our work in this research.

Abstract The political culture of a society is a set of ideals, attitudes, and more or less fixed attitudes about power and politics, which are formed under the influence of the ideas, symbols, values, and beliefs of individuals and in the context of their history and collective life, and are related to political behaviors and interactions in The existing political system gives directions. The purpose of this research is to measure the political participation of the people in the model of Iran's political culture from the perspective of the elites. The research method in this study is a mixed method (quantitative-qualitative). The statistical population of elites includes 140 professors and political experts of political science faculties of state universities and Islamic Azad and Payam Noor universities of Tehran province, and the population statistical population consists of 704 citizens living in 352 neighborhoods of Tehran. The sampling method in this research is purposeful and completely non-probability. The data collection tool is a researcher-made questionnaire with items taken from library studies and Delphi interviews of experts. The face and content validity of the questionnaire has been confirmed and the reliability of the questionnaire has been emphasized by Cronbach's alpha. Data analysis has been done through descriptive and inferential statistics. According to the findings of this research, the model of Iran's political culture from the perspective of the elites can be presented in three dimensions: macro, medium and micro and western, Iranian, Islamic-revolutionary components, society and governance space, individual and elites and 43 separate indicators. did The results showed that the participation of citizens in the mentioned model is high in many indicators and there is a significant relationship between social bases. Also, there is a significant difference between the attitude of citizens and intellectual elites in the ranking of indicators.

Abstract Religious politics is one of the categories that has long been investigated in nations, especially Iran. In this connection, some argue that for politics to be on the proper path, it should follow religious teachings. This article investigates the criteria of religious politics from the perspective of Ayatollah Khamenei. The main question is: Which criteria are used to characterize religious politics from the view of Ayatollah Khamenei? Here, politics appears to follow such religious teachings as justice, laws, freedom, and popular choices to take steps into the proper path. We also investigate religious politics within the framework of ontological, cognitive, and humane foundations and thus examine the criteria of religious politics accordingly. This article uses content analysis to explore the thinking vision of Ayatollah Khamenei in the area of religious politics and its criteria. Content analysis is used for observational and document-based-historical research, which falls under quantitative research in terms of what it means to be. Throughout the research, we found that if the mechanisms of the political institution are aligned with religious teachings, a desirable society appears that fulfills divine ideals, thereby laying the ground for the prosperity and development of the nation in all domains. People of this society will also achieve their ideals and fulfill true prosperity and development.

Abstract Undoubtedly, the Islamic Revolution of Iran has been the greatest revolution of the twentieth century, which has been able to have a wide range of effects both domestically and internationally. Its distinguishing feature from other revolutions was its emphasis on spirituality and values ​​inspired by the religion of Islam, so that by relying on the cultural power of Islam and reviving Islamic values ​​in a specific international and domestic context, it was able to win by mass mobilization. Reach. The study of the causes of revolutions has always been one of the most fascinating topics in political science and sociology. So far, different views have been put forward regarding the causes of the Islamic Revolution in Iran. In this study, we intend to express the dissatisfaction and failure of various sections of society in the form of relative deprivation, as well as direct and indirect communication between the army and the person of Mohammad Reza Pahlavi, and the effects of these relations on unrest and dissatisfaction that led to the revolution. Has been examined.