scientific journal Political Sociology of the Islamic Revolution

Abstract The first Pahlavi period (1304-1320 AH) is considered one of the most challenging and turbulent periods in the contemporary history of Iran. During this period, extensive political, social, and cultural developments took place in the country, the consequences of which can still be seen today. One of the most important of these developments was the crisis of national identity and historical fragility that Iranian society was struggling with. Therefore, the aim of the present research is to analyze the crisis of national identity and historical fragility in the first Pahlavi period. Therefore, the main question of the research is: "What are the factors affecting the crisis of national identity and historical fragility in the first Pahlavi period?" In this regard, the present research uses a qualitative descriptive-analytical method to analyze the crisis of national identity and historical fragility in the Reza Khan period. The dominant approach in this article is to use the theory of the crisis of national identity. The data was collected using a library-documentary method using file-taking from documents, books, articles, etc. The research findings indicate that the factors affecting the national identity crisis and the historical fragility of the first Pahlavi period, according to the theory of identity crises, can be said to be multiple factors such as; Western culture, sanctions and economic influences, cultural and artistic influences, political influences, the ideological nature of national identity and its exploitation by political regimes played a role in the emergence and deepening of the identity.

Abstract Contrary to the common belief in certain segments of public opinion that the city of Arak played only a marginal role in the course of the Islamic Revolution, examination of existing documents and narratives shows that this city—like many others in Iran—had a noteworthy presence in the protests and activities preceding 1979. In particular, two groups—educators and academics—each, by making use of their professional capacities and social networks, helped shape part of the political, cultural, and social developments of this period.



Adopting a historical‑analytical approach and drawing on the theoretical frameworks of resource mobilization and social capital, this study examines the role of these two groups between 1971 and 1979. Data were collected and analyzed through archival documents (especially SAVAK reports), interviews with revolutionary activists, and library sources.



Findings indicate that educators, using schools as a platform, were active in organizing gatherings, nationwide strikes, and awareness‑raising cultural programs such as protest theater. Meanwhile, academics—including faculty members and students of the Arak Higher School of Sciences—played a facilitative and organizing role for the youth by forming Islamic associations, holding book and photo exhibitions, reproducing and distributing leaflets, and turning the university into a starting point for citywide demonstrations.



Cooperation and synergy between these two groups, though not unparalleled on the national level, created a local linkage between educational protest movements and the public sphere of the city, thereby contributing, in its own measure, to the process that culminated in the victory of the Islamic Revolution.

Abstract Over the past two decades, Iran’s border regions have been increasingly affected by the hydrological and climatic interventions of neighboring countries; interventions whose consequences extend beyond environmental tensions, impacting the economic and social foundations of these regions. Focusing on the concept of livelihood security, the present study examines the impact of these interventions on the economic development of Iran’s border regions. The theoretical framework relies on livelihood security and Homer-Dixon's theory of ecological scarcity. Using a comparative method, the research examined three cases between 2011 and 2021: Turkey's interventions in the Tigris and Euphrates basin, Turkey and Armenia's interventions in the Aras, and Afghanistan's interventions in the Helmand. The findings indicate that these interventions, by exacerbating natural resource scarcity, have weakened the three main components of livelihood security namely, living standard stability, sustainable access to water and soil, and employment security consequently eroding the productive and economic capacities of the border regions. The reduction of water resources in these regions is not merely an environmental crisis, but entails a chain of economic and social consequences, including income decline, production drop, migration, and labor force depletion, which weakens regional development capacity. The research concludes that the weakening of livelihood security resulting from transboundary pressures has become a structural barrier to economic development in Iran's border areas. Accordingly, strengthening water diplomacy and establishing monitoring and early warning systems are essential requirements for managing this crisis.

Abstract In today's world, with the increasing complexity of security threats, the traditional and classic model of security governance has lost its effectiveness, and the need to move towards "good security governance" based on community interaction and participation is felt more than ever. This research aims to evaluate the performance of the police in ensuring public security in Iran since the 1980s, identify challenges, and provide improvement solutions. The study was conducted using a qualitative field method and semi-structured open-ended questionnaires, and its statistical population consisted of 40 academic experts and senior police managers and commanders who were selected purposefully. After coding, the data were analyzed using the content analysis method. The findings show that the police's performance in operational and law enforcement areas such as controlling violent crimes, managing ethnic-local conflicts, and election security was acceptable, but there are weaknesses in social and software areas such as protest management, social prevention, public communications, and knowledge-based security. The most important suggestions include transitioning to participatory and preventive approaches, strengthening dialogue and mediation, improving police knowledge and professional ethics, and reducing political interference by parallel institutions.

Abstract Iran-Iraq relations over the past decade, recognized as one of the most significant bilateral relationships in the Middle East, have been shaped by a complex array of political, economic, security, and international factors. Despite the existence of deep historical, religious, and cultural ties, alongside a high level of political engagement, the development of economic relations between the two nations has not progressed commensurate with existing capacities. While positive grounds and substantial potential exist, the reality remains that the level of Iran-Iraq economic relations still lags significantly behind the latent potential and prevailing expectations. The present study aims to examine the opportunities and challenges characterizing the development of political-economic relations between Iran and Iraq in the past decade. Employing a descriptive-analytical research methodology, data were collected through documentary and library sources. Research findings indicate that, alongside considerable economic and political opportunities, factors such as political instability in Iraq, international pressures—particularly U.S. sanctions against Iran—competition among regional actors, and institutional structural weaknesses constitute the primary obstacles to the development of bilateral relations.

Abstract Ancient sports are one of the ancient and traditional sports of Iran, which arose from the historical and cultural context of this land and have always had significant effects on the values, traditions, and norms of society. What appears from the appearance of this sport is the building and strengthening of the body and its protection; however, by examining the details in the context of this sport and reflecting on its customs and characteristics, other hidden aspects become apparent that make it a valuable source in the production and distribution of social capital. In this regard, the main question of the article is: what effect does ancient sports, with its characteristics, create on the social capital and culture of Iranian society? By examining the customs, rituals, and details of the various parts of this sport, how they were formed, and how they were performed, the present study concludes that ancient sport, in addition to strengthening physical strength and power, seeks to educate and train the character of a warrior and promote and institutionalize human character and behavior and religious ethics in the context of society. In this way, it can have a significant impact on the culture of society and increase its social capital. By containing components such as chivalry, humility, nationalism, epic spirit and zeal, trustworthiness, and social support, it can play an effective role in creating empathy and integration of society by strengthening and promoting trust and reproducing social capital.

Abstract The reliance of the Islamic Republic of Iran’s foreign policy on religion, both in policymaking and implementation, has created significant challenges over the past decades. This article aims to show the components and factors that led to the inclusion of religion (Shiite Islam) in Iranian foreign policy after the Islamic Revolution. The revolution itself breathed a religious spirit into Iran’s domestic and foreign policymaking. However, this return to religion went beyond the attitude arising from the revolution. It also resulted from a set of internal and external rules and norms that, by building a religious identity, defined the Islamic role in foreign policy and shaped behavioral patterns accordingly. This article focuses on identifying relevant components and argues that rules and norms, including political Islam, political independence, anti-arrogance at home, the end of the Cold War, liberation movements, Islamic fundamentalism, a transitional order, and a turbulent Middle East, have established religious identity in Iran's foreign policy. As a result, foreign policy behavioral patterns developed accordingly. The findings, based on a constructivist approach and interactive analysis of the environment shaping identity in foreign policy, show that while the Islamic Revolution played a fundamental role in making religion central to foreign policy, several rules and norms also contributed to this development.

Abstract Authentic and transformative leadership based on Islamic values ​​is one of the fundamental pillars of the sustainability and excellence of the Islamic society. In the current situation where corruption, profiteering, and moral weakness threaten many management structures, returning to principles such as honesty, simplicity, justice, and selfless service to the people is a fundamental necessity. The main question of this research is how authentic and transformative leadership based on Islamic values ​​and the thoughts of the Supreme Leader can provide a basis for social trust, national cohesion, and organizational excellence? According to the research hypothesis, if the leadership model in Iran is formed based on sincerity of intention, justice, self-awareness, empathy, and practical commitment to divine values, the result will be to strengthen social capital, increase the efficiency of organizations, and move toward a monotheistic society. The study of the thoughts of Imam Khomeini (RA) and the Supreme Leader shows that authentic leadership with honesty, simplicity, and people-orientedness restores social trust, and transformational leadership opens the path to the excellence of society by drawing a divine vision and mobilizing social forces. As a result, the realization of Islamic management requires simultaneous attention to the two dimensions of authenticity and transformation; the authenticity dimension guarantees legitimacy and public trust, and the transformational dimension leads society towards modernization, progress, and responsiveness to the needs of today and the future.

Abstract The 1357 revolution of the Islamic Republic of Iran and the January 2011 revolution in Egypt are two of these revolutions that can be analyzed from different angles..From this point of view, the aim of the current research is the comparative study of the components of modernization, revolutionary classes, the relationship between economic and social development with political development, violence and repression in the two Islamic revolutions of Iran and Egypt, based on Huntington's theory of unbalanced development.

The findings of the research indicate that the theory of unbalanced development is unable to explain all the influential factors and components in the Islamic Revolution and Egypt. In this way, it is possible to explain the lack of coordination and balance between the development of social and economic developments with the political institution and the inability to create political participation and attract elites and middle classes in the political structure in both revolutions in the framework of this theory.There is a fundamental difference between the Iranian Islamic Revolution and the 2011 Egyptian Revolution; The Islamic revolution was to restore Shiite identity and culture in opposition to modernity, but the 2011 Egyptian revolution occurred to improve the economic livelihood, political participation and to some extent inclined to secularism.