scientific journal Political Sociology of the Islamic Revolution

Abstract

The largest and most influential part of today's society is the new middle class, whose roots go back to the modernization of the Reza Khan period. After the victory of the Islamic revolution, this class expanded mainly in quantity and quality, and since the 1990s, its developments have had more influence. In recent years, and more specifically since 2019, we have witnessed the creation of a more significant gap between the new middle class and the IR. political system, a gap that, more than anything, requires authorities to respond to the growing demands of this class.

This research seeks to study the developments of the new middle class, answering the following question, "What changes did the new middle class in the Islamic Republic of Iran undergo until the unrest of 1401(2022), and what are its consequences?" The data shows that the new middle class in Iran has a broad capacity for social, political, and cultural aspects that can be used. Still, the lack of proper response to their demands has recently become a security threat to the country's political system.







Keywords: new middle class, social classes, political development, modernization, political and social challenges

Abstract In this study, the relationship of "Islamic society" with "Islamic revolution","Islamic state" and "modern Islamic civilization" in terms of rank advancement is evaluated as debatable and idealistic, and while criticizing the linear model, and presenting a new theoretical model, about The importance of dialectical understanding of the relationship between "Islamic society" and the above components has been argued. In the sense that through theoretical analysis, it is shown that between all these stages, there is always a positive dialectic of "back and forth" type centered on "a limit of Islamic society" and the opposite assumption is that "during the stages without the existence of a level of Islamic society", is not possible. In the following, with a critical approach, the author has examined the experience of the past four decades and by pointing to the weakness of the current Islamic society in comparison with the beginning of the Islamic revolution, he has considered it as a proof of the need to pay attention to the "dialectic of progress" model based on the Islamic society. In the end, the practical requirements resulting from the theoretical discussion, focusing on the importance of state-building at this historical moment, are discussed and pointing to the negative impact of the possible weaknesses of inefficient state-building in the secularization of the society, the promotion or creation of more capacities in the society and specifically "more Islamic" Becoming a society" has been evaluated as a necessary and necessary condition for the future stages.

Abstract The purpose of the creation of the universe can be summarized in the concept of human education. This education is deepened by the divine ruler within the human realm and becomes the foundation for nurturing a perfect human. The Islamic Revolution of Iran and the global revolution of Imam Mahdi are defined in line with this important goal. In this context, the education of humans to the level of serving Imam Mahdi can be considered a prelude to the emergence of Imam, which is regarded as the main duty of the Guardian of the Faith during the occultation era. This research aims to explain the theoretical foundations of the practical actions of Imam Khomeini and the Supreme Leader, which have been undertaken with this orientation since the beginning of the Islamic movement until now. This orientation includes five topics: promoting the discourse of monotheism and rejecting servitude to anyone other than God, reforming and deepening the concept of cognition among all members of society, fostering hope, bestowing dignity, and elucidating the Quran regarding the necessity of collective and individual uprising. Throughout this article, these elements are highlighted through theoretical explanation and practical exemplification in the conduct of Imam Khomeini and the Supreme Leader.

Abstract How and the extent of the impact of social developments on political thought, especially political jurisprudence, and especially an issue such as velayat-e-faqih, is an important and controversial issue, and of course, it has different opinions, especially about a personality like Sheikh Ansari. The article aims to investigate this issue (goal), based on Skinner's intentional hermeneutics (method) in response to the question of the extent of the impact of the Iran-Russia wars on Sheikh Ansari's political jurisprudence; It deals with the design and development of this hypothesis that the wars between Iran and Russia, as the biggest social and political development of that time, in which the scholars were also directly present, did not have an effect on the political thought of the jurists and their view of the government. (hypothesis) After these wars, two general approaches Scholars are witnesses. The approach of Sahib Jawahar and Mulla Ahmad Naraghi explicitly emphasizes on the velayat of the public jurists and implicitly considers the way to compensate for the defeat in the war in the velayat of the jurists. The second approach, which is based on the non-entry of jurists into government positions, is manifested in the sale of Sheikh Ansari's profits. But by distancing himself from the time of the end of the wars and the dimming of the Sheikh's memories and mental experience of it, in his other books such as Qada, he gives rulings to the public administration of the jurist and deviates from his first theory.

Abstract برای شناخت سیاست خارجی جمهوری اسلامی ایران، عوامل و مولفه های نشأت گرفته از ماهیت نظام بین الملل، جهان در حال توسعه، نظام های انقلابی، سرشت اسلامی انقلاب ایران و نظام سیاسی برخاسته از آن که در تعامل با یکدیگر سیاست خارجی ایران را شکل می دهند، باید ملاحظه گردد. جنبش های معاصر در جهان اسلام در زمینه تحولات انقلابی توانسته چشم‌انداز جدیدی جهت اثرگذاری انقلاب اسلامی ایران در توسعه این حرکت ها ایجاد نماید. زمینه های مشابهی همچون ضدیت با اسرائیل، مقابله با نظام سلطه و افزایش هویت بین انقلاب اسلامی و اتفاقات منطقه وجود دارد. همین موضوع می‌تواند در کنار ظرفیت‌های عدالت‌محوری و سلطه‌ستیزانه‌ انقلاب، یک الگوی کامل برای این تحولات در مسیر ایجاد نظام های مردمی محسوب شود. در این میان، جایگاه حمایت ‌های آشکار ایران از خیزش های مقاومت در منطقه و سیاست های ایران در قبال تحرکات رژیم صهیونیستی و در مقابل، ناکارآمدی سران جهان اسلام در برابر این رژیم، ایجاد حکومتی مردمی را نظیر آنچه در ایران بر سر کار است در میان ملت‌های منطقه، تقویت کرده است. این مقاله سعی نموده است با روش تحلیلی و با مراجعه به منابع اسنادی به این سؤال پاسخ دهد که الگوی انقلاب اسلامی چه رابطه ای با جنبش های اسلامی معاصر دارد.

Abstract The genealogy of the Islamic Revolution can be traced from many and different directions. One of them is to identify its intellectual and discourse origins. Therefore, this article raises its main question about the place of justice in Motahari's thought and its crystallization in the discourse of Iran's Islamic Revolution. The hypothesis of the article is that the Islamic revolution, as a revolution with divine intellectual foundations, definitely paid attention to the concept of justice in its discourse. The crystallization of this concept can be seen in the constitution, which was actually an extract of the thoughts of the Islamic Revolution. Now, in order to understand the best discourse, one must follow its intellectual genealogy in the key thinkers of the revolution, of which Professor Motahari was one of the most important. The findings of the research have shown that the intellectual system of the Islamic Revolution was originally a justice-centered discourse, and the descent of many of its components and elements can be traced in the thought of Professor Motahari. The approach of the descriptive-analytical article and the method of data collection was library.

Abstract Militarism in the texts and literature of the country is generally perceived with hostility, militancy, or militocracy. While the ideology of militarism during the First Pahlavi era, like Germany, Italy, and Japan before World War II, was accompanied by nationalist ideas, forming the theoretical basis for societal changes. Furthermore, under the influence of military ideology in society and general culture, militaristic approaches in resolving internal conflicts, the presence of a large army, high military costs, and the superiority of the military over civil society were legitimized. The paper considers the imposition of militaristic values on society as its main issue and focuses on the role and central position of Reza Khan Sardar Sepah (Minister of War) in changing the constitutional system, emphasizing his strategy in utilizing this phenomenon. The research, for analyzing the collected data from documents and newspapers, adopts a hermeneutic approach to understand empathetically with the actor and uses militarized societies as a model. The research findings indicate that Reza Khan's strategy in using militarism as a social imperative militarized the general culture by redefining society based on militaristic values. To substantiate the presented claim, two areas, education, and media, are specifically examined.

Abstract One of the internal intellectual fields of the constitutional movement of schools, among these schools, we can mention the Rushdieh school, which was founded by one of the intellectuals of the Qajar period, Mirza Hasan Rushdieh, with the influence of the Akhtar newspaper in Tabriz, in a new way, which played an important role. In informing the people before the constitutional movement. During the Qajar period, he demanded a legal government in order to inform the people by spreading new knowledge, and in this way, with the cooperation of intellectuals and cultural friends of his time, he started a hard fight against the illiteracy and tyranny of the Qajar government, and in this way, he endured all the hardships and difficulties. And finally succeeded. The purpose of this research is to deal with the social-cultural role of Rushdieh School in the constitutional movement. The research question is, what role did Rushdieh School play in the constitutional movement? The research method is historical, descriptive-analytical. The method of collecting information is library and document review, and in the library review, the first-hand sources written about Rushdieh School are given priority and are the main sources of research. The findings and results of the research are the cultural-social role of Rushdieh School in informing the people and also the role of this school in the constitutional movement.

Abstract Security policy has an important role in directing the activities of the country, considering the regional threats. The purpose of this research is to know the security threats of the West Asian region in the 1390s. What are the threats from the West Asian region towards the security of the Islamic Republic of Iran? The assumption of the article is based on the fact that security threats in West Asia are a combination of threats originating from three parts of the country's internal environment, regional threats and the hostility of the United States with Iran. In this research, a qualitative method based on library research based on the theory of "Bari Bozan Regional Security Group" was used to identify the security threats of the West Asian region for the Islamic Republic of Iran in the 2010s.By collecting the materials, a descriptive analysis of these threats in three separate categories based on political-security, economic and social aspects has been undertaken through the extraction of books, domestic and foreign articles and reliable websites. The result is that the security of the country is intricately dependent on the way Iran plays a role in the mentioned region based on accurate recognition of threats and rational behavior.

Abstract From the point of view of political psychology, the behavior and political ethics of the prophets and imams in forming a desirable society was not the Machiavellian method of Western ideas, which is based on lies, force, corruption, deceit, and deceit. Rather, it is based on the teachings and methods of the Qur'an and divine ontology, and these methods are in the form of patient, brave, strong, high self-confidence, and they are also very strong-hearted and hard-hearted towards the unbelievers, and they are very compassionate and kind to each other. على الْکوفارِ روحمَاُ بَیْنَهُمْ29. Fatah) This research is qualitative and of the type of library and documentary studies. The information obtained has been qualitatively analyzed using experts.

The findings of the research will show that the application of ontology in the field of political psychology leads to the realization of the desired society. A practical example of that is Imam Khomeini, who studied political and campaign psychology under the charge of Quranic ontology and succeeded in creating a system and a desirable society in the Iranian revolution. His success was due to two reasons. Divine Knowledge) Secondly, he had set the moral behavior of the prophets and infallible imams as his model in establishing a desirable government system, and this was the condition for his success in establishing a desirable system in the Islamic Revolution of Iran.

Abstract With the emergence of the phenomenon of the Islamic Revolution, the dominant trend of Western secular modernity faced a huge challenge, which was the emergence of a powerful and competing discourse that promoted a new approach in a completely opposite direction. The Islamic Revolution had numerous civilizational effects not only within the territorial borders of Iran but also beyond its borders, one of the most important of which was the activation of movement capacities in Islamic countries. In this regard, the main question of this article is focused on the impact of the Iranian Islamic Revolution on the resistance front and their role in the flourishing of Islamic civilization. The hypothesis of the article is that the Islamic revolution had elements of civilization that emerged in Iran and abroad. One of the products of this civilization-creating facet of the Islamic Revolution is the Resistance Front, which, contrary to the fact that they are often focused on its military aspects, has significant civilization-creating aspects. The results of the research have shown that the civilized components of the resistance front in cases such as religious commonalities; anti-arrogance; Palestinian cause; And the revival of the Islamic nation can lead to the expansion of the discourse of the Islamic revolution, the defeat of the hegemony of the West, and the revival of Islamic civilization. The approach of descriptive-analytical research and the method of data collection was library and documentary.

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Abstract This article presents a comparative analysis of educational policymaking in the Islamic Republic of Iran, Japan, Finland, and South Korea, with the aim of explaining how the concept of the "empowered and desirable human" is constructed within each of these educational systems. Adopting a qualitative, comparative, and Boolean analytical approach, this study identifies key components and prerequisites that influence the development of human capital. The main findings indicate that successful educational systems (Japan, Finland, and South Korea) have focused on factors such as life skills education, alignment with labor market needs, high-quality teacher training systems, and effective evaluation mechanisms to nurture creative, responsible, and globally adaptable individuals. In contrast, the analysis shows that Iran’s educational system faces fundamental challenges—including excessive centralization, weak connections with the labor market, deficiencies in teacher education, lack of quality assessment systems, and a dominant ideological orientation—that hinder the realization of an empowered human model and the effective development of human capital. This paper concludes by offering policy recommendations and emphasizes the urgent need for a fundamental redesign of Iran’s educational system to build a capable and balanced generation.

Abstract The relationship between republicanism and Islamism in the Islamic Republic system is one of the theoretical issues that have always been discussed before the formation of this political system, and due to its content and theoretical depth, it seems unlikely that it will easily disappear from the atmosphere of political debates and doubts.The present descriptive and analytical research is written with the aim of explaining the sociological duality of republicanism and Islamism in the Islamic Revolution of Iran in the thought of Ayatollah Morteza Motahari as one of the theorists of the Islamic Revolution. The findings of the present research show that in the Iranian society after the Islamic revolution, the separation of republicanism and Islamism and the separate investigation of these two is one of the factors of not recognizing this phenomenon and not facing this important issue correctly. In Motahari's thoughts, republic without Islam and Islam without republic cannot be realized. In fact, the legitimacy of the system is related to Islam, and its acceptance is related to the people. He considers "republic" as a form of government so that Islamic rules and laws can be implemented in that format, and he does not consider it to be associated with what is prevalent in the West; Because many of those elements have nothing to do with republicanism as a form of government, but are related to their anthropological, cosmological and sociological foundations.

Abstract Citizenship, as the right of human civil agency, is considered the most fundamental cognitive component and method of governance in the current period. In such a way that one cannot talk about democracy without considering citizenship. For this reason, the quality of citizenship and efforts to support and develop it, as well as increasing the bond between citizens and the government, are considered one of the most important criteria in evaluating the quality of governance in countries. Looking at the importance of the citizenship issue in the governance mechanism of the modern era, the following article tries to examine the relationship between identity theories and the issue of citizenship in the era of the Islamic Republic of Iran from a Social Constructionist perspective. The assumption of the article is that the issue of citizenship in the age of the Islamic Republic of Iran will not be realized without considering identity theories, meaning and possibility,and the issues and challenges facing it cannot be identified independently of the relations of identity currents. The results of the research also acknowledge that the issue of citizenship and its development, on the one hand, lies in the context of the relations of identity sources in Iran, and on the other hand, it depends on rethinking the two components of agency and individuality, and thirdly, that each of the identity theories According to their epistemological framework, they have presented a different reading of the issue of identity, and this provides different possibilities in relation to the