scientific journal Political Sociology of the Islamic Revolution

Abstract Electoral systems play a decisive role in the quality of political representation and the level of political participation in elections. In Iran, elections have consistently served as one of the principal arenas of interaction between society and the political structure. This study employs library-based research and qualitative content analysis to examine the following question: What impact has the electoral system in Iran had on the level of political participation during the period from 2000 to 2022? The findings indicate that the Iranian electoral system, based on a majoritarian model and direct voting mechanisms, has on the one hand provided a foundation for political legitimacy and formal citizen participation, while on the other hand, through its structural and institutional characteristics, has influenced the scope and quality of such participation. Furthermore, the dominance of a candidate-centered logic, weak party institutionalization, the winner-takes-all nature of the electoral system, and the limitation of reforms to procedural aspects have reduced the system’s capacity to fully reflect social and political diversity in political participation. An examination of different electoral periods also reveals that participation reached very high levels in some elections, turning them into arenas of broad social mobilization, whereas in other periods a significant decline in participation was observed. This fluctuation suggests that political participation in Iran is influenced not only by the legal structure of elections but also by the level of political competition, public trust, and citizens’ perceptions of the effectiveness of their votes.

Abstract The occurrence of the Islamic Revolution in Iran marks the beginning of the emergence of diverse religious interpretations within public understanding and plays a central role in shaping the relationship between religious values and the forty-year history of the Islamic Republic. This study seeks to examine the relationship between these indicators and a broader semantic network embedded within the relevant texts, using discourse analysis as its methodological framework. Discourse analysis explores the ways in which structures of meaning enable particular forms of action and emphasizes not only the internal meaning of texts but also the broader contextual and discursive networks to which they are connected. Within this framework, Islamic discourse successfully mobilized the Iranian population for sustained and comprehensive participation in the nation’s social and historical processes. The focus of this paper is the polarization of Iranian society in the mid-2000s, a period marked by significant political and social transformations that contributed to developments in the following decade. In particular, the discourse of Ahmadinejad generated intense polarization, especially among youth and women. By conducting a content analysis of the Hamshahri newspaper, which presented itself as a neutral media outlet during his presidency, this study examines the issues presented as public knowledge and dominant public concerns. Furthermore, it demonstrates how Ahmadinejad’s presidency, following that of Khatami, reflected a shift in emphasis from macro-level political perspectives to more micro-level social concerns, thereby contributing to the formation and reinforcement of societal polarization.

Abstract Islamic governance and republicanism are two key concepts in the political system of the Islamic Republic of Iran, and the relationship between these two concepts in the Islamic Republic of Iran is what shapes the problem of this research. Clarifying this issue requires a careful balance between religious principles and social needs. The method of this research, which is qualitative and based on library studies, reveals that although one of the main challenges of the combination of Islamic governance and republicanism is the conflict of principles that may lead to conflict in decision-making, how strengthening civil institutions can help increase public participation and strengthen the foundations of popular governance. Legal reforms to align laws with Islamic principles and popular governance can help achieve these common goals so that it is an appropriate and efficient model with implementation capabilities. The Islamic Republic of Iran system, as a unique model, is trying to combine the principles of Islamic governance with the concepts of popular governance and republicanism. This system seeks to create a balance between religious authority and popular will. Examining the commonalities between Islamic governance and republicanism, as well as solving problems and overcoming challenges in the Islamic Republic system, can help to better understand this governance model.

Abstract The emergence of artificial intelligence and the prevalence of recommendation algorithms in media platforms have challenged traditional paradigms of political participation. Using a descriptive-analytical method and a critical approach, this article seeks to explain the mediating and structural role of artificial intelligence algorithms in changing the nature of citizens’ political activism. The main question is how the technical architecture of social media, by prioritizing personalized data and the logic of the attention economy, directs political participation from the level of conscious and rational action towards reactive, emotional, and engineered actions. Algorithms, as hidden political actors, reorganize the perceptual structure of citizens and erode the foundations of communicative rationality and public space. The results show that political participation in the algorithmic era has suffered from a quantitative-qualitative paradox, namely a significant increase in interactions, but a profound decrease in the quality, representation, and legitimacy of political action. Therefore, the accountability of platforms towards algorithms influencing public opinion should be institutionalized as a fundamental principle in democratic digital governance in order to reclaim citizens’ political agency from computational power.

Abstract Today, urban public spaces are considered a platform for the growth and development of society, and the use of this capacity, in addition to the sustainable development of the urban space, can represent the culture of sacrifice and martyrdom. The present study was carried out with the aim of the effect of out of Home. Advertising in promoting the culture of sacrifice and martyrdom focusing on the city of Kermanshah. The descriptive method was a survey type, which was considered the most suitable method for collecting information. In this method, the researcher by using questionnaire and interview collected the necessary data from the respondents. The statistical population in this study was all citizens over 20 years old in Kermanshah city, and using SPSS Sample Power software, 400 people from the statistical population were selected as a sample for the study. The cluster sampling method was used to collect the data and the required data was collected through a researcher-made questionnaire. The validity of the research tool was done using face validity and Cronbach's alpha was used to estimate the reliability of the tool. At the behavioral level, the results show that the regression coefficient for it in the dimensions of location, content, and promotional tool is 0.436, 0.217, and -0.160, respectively, and shows that 26 percent of the changes in the dependent variable at the behavioral level are caused by OOH advertising is explained.

Abstract Amid the confrontation between the front of global arrogance and Islamic societies during the “Ramadan War,” the risk of undermining social cohesion has become a major strategic challenge. Accordingly, providing a scientific account of the mechanisms for safeguarding national unity against external pressures is essential. This study seeks to examine the role of the discourse of resistance in the political thought of Ayatollah Khamenei and to answer the question of how this discourse contributes to strengthening social cohesion in confronting the U.S.–Israeli front. The study hypothesizes that the discourse of resistance prevents societal passivity in the face of external pressure by reinforcing identity dimensions, increasing social capital, and enhancing collective resilience.

Methodologically, the research employs a descriptive–analytical approach and is grounded in Laclau and Mouffe’s discourse theory. Data were collected through library-based sources, research documents, and the statements and speeches of the Revolution’s martyred Leader. The findings show that by articulating such concepts as independence-seeking, self-confidence, national dignity, steadfastness, and anti-arrogance, the discourse of resistance has been able to generate a form of active social solidarity under crisis conditions. The article’s contribution lies in conceptualizing the discourse of resistance as a “meaning-making framework that produces social cohesion,” transforming external threats into an arena for national convergence. Overall, the results indicate that by strengthening collective identity and redefining threat through the lens of active resistance, this discourse plays an effective role in maintaining social stability and preventing the fragmentation of social bonds.

Abstract This article examines the various dimensions of Iran's political security in the present era. Despite creating opportunities, globalization has brought new threats to Iran's political security. These threats are caused by internal developments such as identity crises, social discontent, and cyber threats, on the one hand, and by external factors such as regional competition, the influence of great powers, and economic sanctions, on the other. Globalization has increased the complexity of managing the political security of the Islamic Republic of Iran and has affected the system's ability to deal with internal and external threats. The expansion of global media and social networks has increased access to information and reduced the ability of the Iranian political system to manage internal security crises. Iran is trying to adjust its security policies in a way that resists both global and domestic threats. The main question of this research is "What are the main challenges of managing political security in Iran?" and "What impact has globalization had on these challenges?" In this research, by studying the existing texts and documents, 35 propositions were extracted and presented in the form of a questionnaire to a university statistical population that were graduates of political science, law, sociology, and engineering-technical fields for validity and verification, and then the responses were interpreted with SPSS software. Therefore, the research method in this article is a qualitative and analytical-descriptive approach.

Abstract One of the socio-political forces of Iranian society that played a role in the constitutional movement and paid attention to political issues and the political system of the time was the intellectuals. They initially criticized the political system and then proposed solutions. The main focus of these intellectuals' thoughts was democracy and denouncing autocracy. In other words, the central demand of the intellectuals was to ensure the security of life, soul, and property of everyone from the unlimited and unpredictable autocracy of the Qajar government. In general, the intellectuals wanted a government in which the widespread exercise of absolute and autocratic power would be uncertain. The elected representatives of the people would appoint executive officials and control and moderate their activities, and the Ministry of Justice would be an independent institution and operate within the framework of criminal and civil laws.

What was the difference in the role of Mirza Abdolrahim Talibov Tabrizi and Mirza Yusuf Khan Mosharrat-ud-Dawla in the Constitutional Movement in awakening the people? (Question)

To address the difference in the role of Talibov Tabrizi and Mosharrat-ud-Dawla in awakening the people during the Qajar period and especially the Constitutional Movement. (Aim of this research) The research method in this research is historical, descriptive-analytical. (Research method) The findings and results of the research are the methods that Mirza Abdolrahim Talibov Tabrizi and Mirza Yusuf Khan Mosharrat-ud-Dawla used to help the Constitutional Movement. (Research findings and results)

Abstract Objective:

Bridging Yemen's tribal system and Iran's networked deterrence, this article examines how Ansarullah transforms tribal social capital into resistance capital, and how this capital contributes to the credibility and sustainability of Iran's deterrence network in West Asia.



Findings:

From 147 open codes, four global themes emerged: genealogical integration via planned kinship ties, normative redefinition of tribal custom as resistance obligation, local authority reengineering through the musharrafin system, and the moral economy of loyalty. Ansarullah's distinction lies not in material resources but in endogenous embedding within the tribal structure. This endogeneity produces three deterrence functions: node durability against pressure, reduced support costs for Iran, and enhanced threat credibility. Based on role typology, Ansarullah falls into the "deterrent" category, and its sustainability depends on the quality of its supporting social capital.



Conclusion:

Tribal-to-resistance capital conversion is a four-layered gradual process that preserves, redefines, and internally hollows out traditional structures. Beyond Yemen, this secures the southern node's credibility in the regional deterrence network—because belonging-based loyalty, unlike purchased loyalty, does not collapse under pressure, and this durability makes the threat believable to adversaries. The qualitative research combines expert interviews, systematic literature review, and theories of resource mobilization, social capital, and framing.



Keywords: Ansarullah Yemen, Social Capital, Tribal Structure, Resource Mobilization, Networked Deterrence.

Abstract This article aims to analyze the role of social inequality and lack of social security as two social obstacles to sustainable development in economic development programs, examining Noorabad Delfan County. The research is applied in terms of purpose, quantitative in terms of approach, and survey in terms of method. The statistical population was the residents of Noorabad Delfan City with a reported population of 71,006 people. In the method section, the sample size is 786 people and multi-stage cluster sampling is announced; however, the number of analyzed cases is 387 people in the inferential tables and this inconsistency is explicitly reported in the article. The data were collected with a researcher-made questionnaire and analyzed with descriptive statistics, Pearson correlation coefficient, and multiple regression. The validity of the instrument was examined through face validity and expert opinion, and the total alpha of the instrument was 0.87 and the alpha of the lack of social security subscale was reported as 0.87. The average of lack of social security was 16.7804 and the average of economic development was 21.7519. The total number of responses that agreed and strongly agreed with the importance of pedestrian and vehicle traffic safety at night was 94.6%. There was a negative and significant relationship between the feeling of social inequality and economic development with a coefficient of about r=-0.149. In the regression model, the feeling of social inequality and lack of social security also showed negative and significant coefficients.

Abstract The years of Reza Shah’s rule should be considered as a period of implementation of policies that were in fact aimed at social engineering Iranians in order to redesign society. It was within this framework that the category of “space” as one of the central elements of society played a prominent role in the exercise of government dominance. The following article attempts to examine the role of the first Pahlavi policies in the field of urban design in the expansion and spread of government power. In this regard, the main question of the article is how Reza Shah’s policies in the field of urban development were able to lead to the implementation and spread of government power. The article’s hypothesis is that Reza Shah’s urban modernization policies were able to control, regulate, and homogenize citizens’ perceptions by taking control of space. The first Pahlavi was able to "colonize space" through modern urban constructions such as the destruction of the old fabric and the construction of new streets, the installation of sculptures, and the establishment of public and government buildings such as the railway station, the National Bank, the Museum of Ancient Iran, the Ministry of Finance, etc., to form a space that would lead to control, orderliness, and homogenization of citizens' perceptions, and the imposition of the greatness of the ruling ideology on the individual.

Abstract The relationship between religion and power is one of the topics that has attracted the attention of scholars in the fields of political and social sciences. Despite the presentation of Quranic analyses to explain this issue by scholars, no research has so far examined the semantic correlation of religion and power based on a comprehensive and systematic analysis of the applications of the word "religion" in the context of Quranic verses. The research method is based on an interdisciplinary approach, based on interpretative-semantic analysis of data extracted from all verses containing the word "religion"; out of a total of 101 uses of the root "religion", after eliminating cases related to loan and debt, 84 verses were examined. First, two semantic domains of "rite" and "judgment" were identified, then the cognates indicating power were extracted and analyzed. The main question is: based on the cognates of religion with the concepts of power, what relationship between the two can be explained? The findings show that the word "religion" is associated with concepts such as ownership, succession, obedience, honor, fear, declaration, security, and jizyah in about twenty verses. The analysis of these associations shows that religion, in addition to being an individual sphere in the Quran, is a social institution that requires power for its realization and survival.