scientific journal Political Sociology of the Islamic Revolution

Abstract One of the aspects that distinguishes the Islamic Revolution of Iran from other great revolutions in the world is its anti-hegemony discourse. Also, creating a new discourse in international relations and presenting new ideas for change and transformation in the regional and international system and the free nations of the world, especially Muslim nations, using soft power is considered one of the important characteristics of the Islamic Revolution of Iran, some of whose characteristics can be observed in the formation of the Islamic Resistance Axis. This research seeks to examine the reflections of the Islamic Revolution of Iran on the formation of the Islamic Resistance from a new and theoretical perspective using the constructivist theory. The reason for choosing this theory is that constructivism considers an acceptable place for discursive and socio-cultural developments as well as human cognition and recognizes the ideas that shape different definitions of reality. Also, examining the reflections of the Islamic Revolution at the three levels of Islamic movements, revolutionary theories, and international ideological confrontations will have a higher explanatory power with this theory, and the reflections of the ideals of the Islamic Revolution in the cultural, identity, and sociological fields on the surrounding and international environment are consistent with this theory.

Abstract The Islamic Revolution should be considered one of the world’s social revolutions. The scope of changes resulting from social revolutions is vast and cannot be compared to political revolutions. These revolutions may set the trajectory for development in their countries, although this path may change based on experience or go through ups and downs. Accordingly, the present paper is aimed at examining the approach of the Islamic Republic to the issue of development in its first decade. This examination can show us how the leaders of the revolution viewed development and where we stand today in comparison to the 1980s. The research question is “from an institutional perspective, how can we analyze development policymaking in the first decade of the Islamic Republic?” The hypothesis presented in response to this question is “the post-revolutionary government, in its opposition to the previous political system, instead of defining development as economic growth, adopted a distributive approach and, within the framework of revolutionary ideals, focused on reducing inequalities and expanding welfare by establishing institutions such as the Imam Khomeini Relief Committee, the Foundation of the Oppressed, health houses, the Construction Jihad, and the Foundation of the Oppressed. To explain this hypothesis, the current paper will use the “Basic Needs” theoretical framework. The research method will be institutional, with data collection conducted in a library-based manner.

Abstract Undoubtedly, cultural security as a platform for preserving and improving the culture and cultural progress of any society is one of the basic necessities in this direction, which should be based on correct and accurate rationality. Therefore, this article paid attention to the cultural security of the Prophet's (PBUH) era and adapted and analyzed it to the rational standards of the thought of the leaders of the Islamic Revolution of Iran in line with modeling and analyzing the role of rationality in cultural security to explain and analyze the rational balance of cultural security for the Islamic revolution and the new Islamic civilization on the ideological criteria and intellectual and rational school of Islam. Thus, the question of this research is what was the role of rationality in the cultural security of the Prophet's period and what is its role in the cultural security of the Islamic Revolution of Iran based on the thought of the Leaders of the revolution? The article has analyzed the role of rationality in providing cultural security by using thematic analysis method in this direction studied responding, defending and explaining logically and rationally to the attacker's propositions, logically and rationally directing behaviors and actions, rationally functioning cultural tools and media in defense of Islamic culture and the rational role of Islamic unity, convergence and public participation.

Abstract Political development has gained significant traction since World War II, becoming a central focus for post-war theorists and politicians tasked with resolving the challenges of the era. Furthermore, all nations have pursued development across various levels, including political development, to enhance their international standing. One of the fundamental factors contributing to the advancement of political development is political parties. The role of political parties in Iran’s political development, both pre- and post-revolution, has consistently been decisive, transforming into a complex and multifaceted issue after the 1979 Revolution. Research findings indicate that parties, as key institutions in the political process, can contribute to strengthening democracy, public participation, and governmental accountability. However, challenges such as restrictions, suppression, and internal disunity have hampered the effective role of parties in this domain. This article seeks to answer the question: What role have political parties played in the political development of post-revolutionary Iran? The hypothesis proposed to answer this question is that political parties, by fostering internal cohesion and developing effective strategies, can overcome existing challenges and lead to the advancement of Iran’s political development. Given that the information for this research was gathered through existing and library-based sources, the research methodology employed is descriptive-analytical

Abstract The Shiite Marjaʿiyya, with its non-governmental nature, traditional financial autonomy, and social influence, has long played a crucial role in Iran’s societal transformations.This research analyzes the socio-cultural functional transformation of the Marjaʿiyya after the Islamic Revolution, focusing on the evolving dimensions of its authority and institutional position. The central issue is to understand how the establishment of the political system based on the Wilayat al-Faqih and post-revolutionary developments have influenced the nature of the socio-cultural functions of the Marjaʿiyya. The question is: What effects have the structural mechanisms that emerged in the post-revolutionary period had on the authority and the nature of the socio-cultural functions of the Shiite Marja'iyya? The hypothesis argues that after part of the Marjaʿiyya entered the official governmental structure, its institutional position in socio-cultural realms has changed. This matter has laid the groundwork for structural challenges to preserve traditional independence in its core functions of independent arbitration, educational roles, and the guidance and spiritual leadership of society. This research employs an analytical-comparative methodology to examine the transformation of the Marja’iyya’s socio-cultural function across two distinct periods: pre- and post-Islamic Revolution. The findings show that changes in funding sources for certain Marāji, the integration of judicial and arbitration roles into state institutions, and the formal restructuring of the public sphere have collectively challenged the Shia Marja’iyya’s socio-cultural autonomy, leading to an erosion of its symbolic capital. These developments have produced significant difficulties in maintaining the traditional integrity of the Marja’iyya institution and its comprehensive societal position.

Abstract Quantum technology, due to its special characteristics, such as uncertainty and simultaneity, has the ability to change existing patterns in political and social analyses. While political sociology studies social behaviors and their role in analyzing political systems, the new insight that quantum technology brings to this field can contribute to a deeper understanding of complex social and political structures. The aim of this research is to examine the function of quantum technology in the political sociology of the Islamic Revolution of Iran. The main question of the present research, which is written in a descriptive-analytical manner, is how quantum technology can be effective in explaining and analyzing the political sociology of the Islamic Revolution of Iran? The research findings indicate that quantum technology, especially in new fields such as information processing and data analysis, can provide potential capacities for analyzing social and political behaviors. The use of quantum technology can help to better and more deeply explain the issues of political sociology of the Islamic Revolution. By providing new tools of analysis, quantum technology enables a deeper understanding of social developments and political challenges. The sociology of international law in the quantum age is facing a transition from a linear and mechanical order to a network and probabilistic order. In this new order, borders, sovereignty, and even the concept of state itself are all affected by entanglement and uncertainty. The main challenge for the future is to formulate a kind of quantum international law that can balance the need for certainty and order and the probabilistic and complex nature of quantum technology which is the new reality of the world.

Abstract At first glance, paying attention to the identity of the Islamic Revolution is not a novel category, and it has been addressed to some extent in various works and from various angles. However, the category of defining an identity of the Islamic Revolution and the role of this identity in the event of the revolution or the cognitive relationship with the revolution is a novel matter and is inaccessible in terms of theoretical studies. In addition, most of the research that has dealt with the identity aspects of the Islamic Revolution has not considered a precise relationship between the essence of the revolution and its alleged identity, or has paid less attention to it. Therefore, the expression of identity categories and propositions in various specific political and social formats has been mainly considered. The present article has attempted to answer the question of "What are the central elements and components of the Islamic Revolution?" by redefining the identity of the Islamic Revolution and documenting the intellectual-historical identity of the revolution. And what is their relationship to each other? This article has used the descriptive-analytical method and Tajfel's theory of group-social identity in advancing its research. In such a way that at the end of the research, it has reached 5 main identity components; under 3 elements of social identity; and 2 identity-building sources for the Islamic Revolution and in order to draw and describe them more objectively, it has classified and correlated 66 exemplary themes under them.

Abstract Contrary to the common belief in certain segments of public opinion that the city of Arak played only a marginal role in the course of the Islamic Revolution, examination of existing documents and narratives shows that this city—like many others in Iran—had a noteworthy presence in the protests and activities preceding 1979. In particular, two groups—educators and academics—each, by making use of their professional capacities and social networks, helped shape part of the political, cultural, and social developments of this period.



Adopting a historical‑analytical approach and drawing on the theoretical frameworks of resource mobilization and social capital, this study examines the role of these two groups between 1971 and 1979. Data were collected and analyzed through archival documents (especially SAVAK reports), interviews with revolutionary activists, and library sources.



Findings indicate that educators, using schools as a platform, were active in organizing gatherings, nationwide strikes, and awareness‑raising cultural programs such as protest theater. Meanwhile, academics—including faculty members and students of the Arak Higher School of Sciences—played a facilitative and organizing role for the youth by forming Islamic associations, holding book and photo exhibitions, reproducing and distributing leaflets, and turning the university into a starting point for citywide demonstrations.



Cooperation and synergy between these two groups, though not unparalleled on the national level, created a local linkage between educational protest movements and the public sphere of the city, thereby contributing, in its own measure, to the process that culminated in the victory of the Islamic Revolution.

Abstract The reliance of the Islamic Republic of Iran’s foreign policy on religion, both in policymaking and implementation, has created significant challenges over the past decades. This article aims to show the components and factors that led to the inclusion of religion (Shiite Islam) in Iranian foreign policy after the Islamic Revolution. The revolution itself breathed a religious spirit into Iran’s domestic and foreign policymaking. However, this return to religion went beyond the attitude arising from the revolution. It also resulted from a set of internal and external rules and norms that, by building a religious identity, defined the Islamic role in foreign policy and shaped behavioral patterns accordingly. This article focuses on identifying relevant components and argues that rules and norms, including political Islam, political independence, anti-arrogance at home, the end of the Cold War, liberation movements, Islamic fundamentalism, a transitional order, and a turbulent Middle East, have established religious identity in Iran's foreign policy. As a result, foreign policy behavioral patterns developed accordingly. The findings, based on a constructivist approach and interactive analysis of the environment shaping identity in foreign policy, show that while the Islamic Revolution played a fundamental role in making religion central to foreign policy, several rules and norms also contributed to this development.

Abstract This article is formulated with the aim of evaluating the alignment of the performance of the Islamic Republic of Iran with the discourse of the Islamic Revolution, particularly focusing on the concept of republicanism. The necessity of this research arises from the need to assess the extent to which the fundamental principles of the Revolution, especially republicanism, have been realized over four decades since its victory, in order to understand the strengths and weaknesses of the system. The discourse of the Islamic Revolution, rooted in the dual principles of republicanism and Islamism, has been analyzed using Laclau and Mouffe’s discourse analysis methodology.

The study reveals that republicanism, as one of the floating signifiers within the discourse of the Islamic Revolution, has undergone redefinition and shifts in meaning across different historical periods. Findings indicate that achievements such as the regular holding of elections and the strengthening of civil institutions have been realized. However, the decline in participation in recent elections compared to the maximum turnout in earlier periods has emerged as a challenge in this domain.

Consequently, the article proposes recommendations to strengthen political competition and participation, enhance transparency in electoral processes, and bolster civil institutions to reinforce republicanism within the framework of the Islamic Revolution’s discourse.

Abstract هدف این مقاله بررسی رابطه بین متغیر اقتصادی نفت و پدیده اجتماعی انقلاب است. بعد از کودتای 28 مرداد 1332 و تشکیل کنسرسیوم نفتی به تدریج قیمت نفت افزایش پیدا کرد و در نیمه اول اوایل دهه 1350 درآمد حاصل از آن، جهش قابل ملاحظه‌ای پیدا کرد. بحث درباره نقش متغیرهای اقتصادی در وقوع جنبش‌های اجتماعی و پدیده‌های سیاسی از جمله انقلاب‌ اسلامی در شرایطی که نفت به یک متغیر قابل توجه در اقتصاد سیاسی ایران تبدیل شده، مساله پیش روی این مقاله است. نفت و درآمد حاصل از آن نقش قابل توجهی در ثبات و مشروعیت بخشی رژیم پهلوی ایفا می‌کرد و بحران کارآمدی رژیم را پنهان می‌کرد، تداوم درامدهای نفتی و سود سرشار حاصل از آن و تزریق ان به بدنه جامعه نوعی توافق موقت میان جامعه و رژیم ایجاد کرده بود که هر گونه اختلال در این زمینه می‌توانست به حرکت‌های اجتماعی از جمله انقلاب سرعت مضاعفی ببخشد. از این جهت افزایش درامدهای نفتی توانست بحران مشروعیت و کارآمدی رژیم را به صورت موقت پنهان سازد و کاهش ان توانست به ظهور و بروز هر چه بیشتر این بحران‌ها منجر شود. با وجود اینکه گفتمان غالب در انقلاب اسلامی از عناصر غیرمادی و معنوی نشات می‌گرفت، اما نمی‌توان نقش متغیرهای اقتصادی از جمله متغیر مهم نفت را در جنبش‌های اجتماعی ایران از جمله انقلاب اسلامی نادیده گرفت.

Abstract Political Islam is a new concept in the political literature of the world, which is derived from authentic Islamic elements. This concept seeks to introduce Islam as a comprehensive religion that has diverse political, religious and cultural dimensions corresponding to human beings and society. The main question of the present article is how Imam Khomeini, as a charismatic leader, was able to use the cultural and social contexts of Iran to bring the religion of Islam and its agents from the special semantic field of society to the general field of politics Islamic revolution in 1357? In response to this question, the hypothesis of the research emphasizes the point that Imam Khomeini (RA) by formulating the theory of religious authority and using it, turned Islam into a political-social discourse and introduced the clergy as the religious agents of politics. Also, the findings of the research show that Imam Khomeini (RA) with his special leadership, which is of three types; Weber's intellectual, traditional and charismatic authority at the same time was able to define a special status and dignity for Velayat al-Faqih as a "political matter" in competition with his rival discourses. The qualitative research method is discourse analysis and the method of collecting library data and virtual space resources.

Abstract An ideal society or a desirable society is a society under divine guidance whose goal is the spiritual and material growth of mankind and has always been the focus of divine philosophers.This society, which has many models and components in religious texts, is constantly growing and flourishing, and the dignity of human beings is respected, people obey God's will and obey Her orders, and they uphold God's justice and piety in all its affairs.The preservation and continuation of the Islamic revolution requires that the elites and the custodians implement the characteristics of the desirable Islamic society in the society (necessity and importance of the issue). The leading research answers this question with a descriptive-analytical method and with the method of collecting documentary texts(Method) From the perspective of religious texts, what are the characteristics of an ideal society and what impact does it have on the continuation of the Islamic Revolution? (Question) In response to the question, an ideal society is a society whose individuals strive and strive for their true happiness and perfection, and has four types of relationships: relationship with the Almighty God, relationship with oneself, relationship with nature (inanimate objects, plants and animals), and relationship with other humans. These relationships are achieved in four areas: political (the sovereignty of the Imam, etc.), cultural (monotheistic education and upbringing, central justice, brotherhood and loAs a result, the Islamic Revolution, which was established by Imam Khomeini with the theory of an Islamic government based on the guardianship of the jurist,

Abstract Undoubtedly, one of the ways to know the political issues of any society is to know the political forces and currents active in that political society. Therefore, this article tries to make use of Albert Hirschman's theory, while examining and introducing the political currents, explaining their appearance, the way they are organized and their political performance during the period of the Islamic Republic, and why the situation and behavioral actions of these currents are different from the perspective of Political Sociology.Hirschman has provided us with an analytical and three-dimensional model called exit, protest and loyalty in his works, which can be used to analyze many issues and developments in political, economic and social life in human societies. According to this model, the main question of the article is that in the complex conditions after the Islamic revolution and in the light of the performance of political groups and currents, how will the arrangement of political forces be based on Hirschman's model.And what are the reasons and foundations of such an arrangement? In response to this hypothesis, it has been proposed that it seems possible to analyze the arrangement of political currents in the postrevolutionary era based on the three-pronged approach of exit, protest and loyalty in Hirschman's thought, and the reasons for the evolution of each Among these three models, it can be political, economic, social and culturalIt should be noted that the research method in this research is descriptive-analytcal

Abstract Although the process of nation-building had begun in Iran decades ago, the Islamic Revolution created a paradigmatic shift in Iran's political structure, causing the nation to continue its life and development in a different ideological context and redefine itself in a new framework. From this perspective, the way and process of the formation of the social phenomenon of the nation in the modern sense in the form of the concepts and values ​​of Iranian society has become one of the most important concerns of thinkers, policymakers, and administrators. In order to explain this issue and achieve this goal, this article has attempted to present a precise and comprehensive understanding of the process of the maturation or lack of development of the nation in Iran after the Islamic Revolution, relying on Karl Deutsch's theory of nation-building. The main question: Why has nation-building, despite its relatively long history in Iran, still remained incomplete? Hypothesis: Nation-building in Iran, despite its relatively long history, has been considered merely within the framework of a process and has not been given careful and serious attention as a project by either the government or the nation. From this perspective, regarding the results of this research, it must be acknowledged that what has emerged in Iranian society so far is an echo of the nation and is far from its ideal model. It should be noted that the research method in this article is qualitative and causal.

Abstract
The basic issue of this article is the theory of resistance as a new political-social theory arising from the victory of the Islamic Revolution, for the present and the future of the Islamic Revolution. This theory has grown in the face of the dominance of the Western-arrogant theories and has led to the empowerment and awakening of the Islamic world. The Islamic Revolution in the past fourteen decades relies on For this theory, while marginalizing the dominance of arrogance theories, it achieved many successes in the political, economic, scientific, etc. fields. This theory has characteristics such as being natural, rational, and

It also has negative elements such as anti-arrogance, anti-tyranny, and positive elements such as central spirituality, pacifism, etc. With the beginning of the fifth decade of the Islamic Revolution, the Supreme Leader of the Islamic Revolution announced a statement about the future of the Islamic Revolution, in which he outlined the path of the Islamic Revolution to reach a new Islamic civilization. They considered the most important missions of the second step of the revolution to be the authority in the following areas, which is achieved by relying on independence and resistance.

. Field of science and research 2. The field of spirituality and ethics 3. The field of economics 4. The field of justice and anti-corruption 5. The field of independence and freedom 6. The field of national honor and foreign relations .

Abstract Problem Statement: Political participation is one of the key factors in political and social transformations. The Islamic Revolution of Iran, as one of the most significant political events of the twentieth century, was rooted in widespread public participation. This participation played a critical role in the revolution itself and later in managing political crises and consolidating the Islamic Republic.

Main Question and Hypothesis: This research addresses the main question: "How did public political participation during the Islamic Revolution of Iran contribute to managing political crises?" It examines the hypothesis that public participation, guided by the leadership of Imam Khomeini (RA), successfully managed crises and institutionalized the new political system.

Methodology: This study adopts a descriptive-analytical approach and employs qualitative historical analysis. Data were collected from library resources and historical documents and analyzed using Charles Tilly's political mobilization theory. This methodology enables the examination of public political participation within a socio-historical framework.

Findings and Results: The findings reveal that during the Pahlavi era, political suppression and the restriction of freedoms led to informal mobilization. In the years leading up to the revolution, political participation escalated into a widespread movement that, under the leadership of Imam Khomeini (RA), culminated in the Islamic Revolution. After the revolution's victory, this participation continued through referenda, elections, and the Sacred Defense, contributing to the consolidation of the Islamic Republic, enhancing its legitimacy, and strengthening national cohesion. This participation established a lasting model for managing both domestic and international crises.

Abstract The conflict and battle in Syria is a regional and international conflict. There are two political axes with two plans and approaches in this conflict. In one of these two plans, the path of resistance and struggle against the enemies of the nation, especially the main enemy of the Zionist regime, has been chosen, and in the other plan, there is a plan to dominate and maintain the superiority of the Zionist regime over the region, which is led by the US government and its regional allies. Considering the regional dimension of the Syrian crisis, the Shiites were able to become influential by entering the Syrian crisis at the regional level. The arrival of the Arab uprising wave in Syria and the beginning of internal protests and the spread of the crisis have turned this country into a scene for the fight of numerous military groups against each other and the Alawite government, the hounding of foreign militant groups such as ISIS, the direct and indirect intervention of regional powers, and the confrontation of world powers. By designing the question of what impact the discourse of the Islamic Revolution after 2011 had on the axis of resistance and the Shiites in Syria, the present study has put forward the hypothesis that the discourse of the Islamic Revolution from 2011 to 2024 onwards played an active role in the structure of Syria and had a positive impact on strengthening the axis of resistance.

Abstract In this study, the relationship of "Islamic society" with "Islamic revolution","Islamic state" and "modern Islamic civilization" in terms of rank advancement is evaluated as debatable and idealistic, and while criticizing the linear model, and presenting a new theoretical model, about The importance of dialectical understanding of the relationship between "Islamic society" and the above components has been argued. In the sense that through theoretical analysis, it is shown that between all these stages, there is always a positive dialectic of "back and forth" type centered on "a limit of Islamic society" and the opposite assumption is that "during the stages without the existence of a level of Islamic society", is not possible. In the following, with a critical approach, the author has examined the experience of the past four decades and by pointing to the weakness of the current Islamic society in comparison with the beginning of the Islamic revolution, he has considered it as a proof of the need to pay attention to the "dialectic of progress" model based on the Islamic society. In the end, the practical requirements resulting from the theoretical discussion, focusing on the importance of state-building at this historical moment, are discussed and pointing to the negative impact of the possible weaknesses of inefficient state-building in the secularization of the society, the promotion or creation of more capacities in the society and specifically "more Islamic" Becoming a society" has been evaluated as a necessary and necessary condition for the future stages.

Abstract The genealogy of the Islamic Revolution can be traced from many and different directions. One of them is to identify its intellectual and discourse origins. Therefore, this article raises its main question about the place of justice in Motahari's thought and its crystallization in the discourse of Iran's Islamic Revolution. The hypothesis of the article is that the Islamic revolution, as a revolution with divine intellectual foundations, definitely paid attention to the concept of justice in its discourse. The crystallization of this concept can be seen in the constitution, which was actually an extract of the thoughts of the Islamic Revolution. Now, in order to understand the best discourse, one must follow its intellectual genealogy in the key thinkers of the revolution, of which Professor Motahari was one of the most important. The findings of the research have shown that the intellectual system of the Islamic Revolution was originally a justice-centered discourse, and the descent of many of its components and elements can be traced in the thought of Professor Motahari. The approach of the descriptive-analytical article and the method of data collection was library.

Abstract From the point of view of political psychology, the behavior and political ethics of the prophets and imams in forming a desirable society was not the Machiavellian method of Western ideas, which is based on lies, force, corruption, deceit, and deceit. Rather, it is based on the teachings and methods of the Qur'an and divine ontology, and these methods are in the form of patient, brave, strong, high self-confidence, and they are also very strong-hearted and hard-hearted towards the unbelievers, and they are very compassionate and kind to each other. على الْکوفارِ روحمَاُ بَیْنَهُمْ29. Fatah) This research is qualitative and of the type of library and documentary studies. The information obtained has been qualitatively analyzed using experts.

The findings of the research will show that the application of ontology in the field of political psychology leads to the realization of the desired society. A practical example of that is Imam Khomeini, who studied political and campaign psychology under the charge of Quranic ontology and succeeded in creating a system and a desirable society in the Iranian revolution. His success was due to two reasons. Divine Knowledge) Secondly, he had set the moral behavior of the prophets and infallible imams as his model in establishing a desirable government system, and this was the condition for his success in establishing a desirable system in the Islamic Revolution of Iran.

Abstract With the emergence of the phenomenon of the Islamic Revolution, the dominant trend of Western secular modernity faced a huge challenge, which was the emergence of a powerful and competing discourse that promoted a new approach in a completely opposite direction. The Islamic Revolution had numerous civilizational effects not only within the territorial borders of Iran but also beyond its borders, one of the most important of which was the activation of movement capacities in Islamic countries. In this regard, the main question of this article is focused on the impact of the Iranian Islamic Revolution on the resistance front and their role in the flourishing of Islamic civilization. The hypothesis of the article is that the Islamic revolution had elements of civilization that emerged in Iran and abroad. One of the products of this civilization-creating facet of the Islamic Revolution is the Resistance Front, which, contrary to the fact that they are often focused on its military aspects, has significant civilization-creating aspects. The results of the research have shown that the civilized components of the resistance front in cases such as religious commonalities; anti-arrogance; Palestinian cause; And the revival of the Islamic nation can lead to the expansion of the discourse of the Islamic revolution, the defeat of the hegemony of the West, and the revival of Islamic civilization. The approach of descriptive-analytical research and the method of data collection was library and documentary.

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Abstract The relationship between republicanism and Islamism in the Islamic Republic system is one of the theoretical issues that have always been discussed before the formation of this political system, and due to its content and theoretical depth, it seems unlikely that it will easily disappear from the atmosphere of political debates and doubts.The present descriptive and analytical research is written with the aim of explaining the sociological duality of republicanism and Islamism in the Islamic Revolution of Iran in the thought of Ayatollah Morteza Motahari as one of the theorists of the Islamic Revolution. The findings of the present research show that in the Iranian society after the Islamic revolution, the separation of republicanism and Islamism and the separate investigation of these two is one of the factors of not recognizing this phenomenon and not facing this important issue correctly. In Motahari's thoughts, republic without Islam and Islam without republic cannot be realized. In fact, the legitimacy of the system is related to Islam, and its acceptance is related to the people. He considers "republic" as a form of government so that Islamic rules and laws can be implemented in that format, and he does not consider it to be associated with what is prevalent in the West; Because many of those elements have nothing to do with republicanism as a form of government, but are related to their anthropological, cosmological and sociological foundations.

Abstract The analysis of the riots in the fall of 1401 in the Islamic Republic, which was designed by the enemies of the Islamic Revolution in the interpretation of the Supreme Leader of the revolution, can be done from different angles. The purpose of this research is to identify and explain different discourses to analyze these disturbances. For this purpose, the discourse analysis method of Lacla and Moff has been used as a qualitative research method. Data collection has been done using a semi-structured and in-depth interview with 19 professors of the Islamic Revolution who gathered in the meeting of the Scientific Association of the Islamic Revolution in Shiraz in February 1401, during 30 hours of interviews and about 400 pages of notes. After coding the interviews; The findings of the research show that the analysis of the riots of the fall of 1401 is included in four discourses that are complementary to each other: first, the "political-security discourse" around the nodal point of the "civilizational confrontation between Islam and the West"; Second, the "discourse of the governance system" around the nodal point of "governance malfunctions"; Third, "educational discourse" around the nodal point of "weakness of divine approach in formal and informal education system"; And fourth, "social discourse" revolves around the nodal point of "spreading the western lifestyle". Deep attention to these results by policy makers and governance decision makers can be helpful in reducing the damage of these disturbances and preventing similar disturbances to some extent.

Abstract The study of the effects and consequences of social revolutions is considered one of the controversial areas of the sociology of revolution. The unexpected occurrence of the Islamic Revolution has not only faced theorists and sociologists with an important shock, but by strengthening the research fronts, it has exposed the accuracy, validity, and capabilities of explaining and predicting previous theories to a great test. Using the descriptive-analytical method, this research the question of what effect did the occurrence of the Islamic revolution have on the theories of the revolution? the occurrence of the Islamic revolution in Iran not only led to the discovery of scientific inconsistencies and their credibility. It has revolutionized the theories and has created a remarkable change in them and the religious and cultural factors have strengthened this impact. The findings show that: the inability of the first three generations of theories to explain and why the Islamic Revolution occurred played a big role in the formation of the fourth generation of theories by Goldstone. Secondly, the Islamic revolution has had a great influence in adjusting and reforming Skocpol thoughts and criticizing modernist thought and postmodern revolution plan by Foucault. The Islamic Revolution not only affected the traditional theories of the revolution that were aimed at explaining the causes and factors and the evolution process of the revolutions, but also led to the formation of theories that had more generalization ability than the previous theories and attention to the components of Cultural, the influence of mass mobilization.