scientific journal Political Sociology of the Islamic Revolution

Abstract Over the past two decades, Iran’s border regions have been increasingly affected by the hydrological and climatic interventions of neighboring countries; interventions whose consequences extend beyond environmental tensions, impacting the economic and social foundations of these regions. Focusing on the concept of livelihood security, the present study examines the impact of these interventions on the economic development of Iran’s border regions. The theoretical framework relies on livelihood security and Homer-Dixon's theory of ecological scarcity. Using a comparative method, the research examined three cases between 2011 and 2021: Turkey's interventions in the Tigris and Euphrates basin, Turkey and Armenia's interventions in the Aras, and Afghanistan's interventions in the Helmand. The findings indicate that these interventions, by exacerbating natural resource scarcity, have weakened the three main components of livelihood security namely, living standard stability, sustainable access to water and soil, and employment security consequently eroding the productive and economic capacities of the border regions. The reduction of water resources in these regions is not merely an environmental crisis, but entails a chain of economic and social consequences, including income decline, production drop, migration, and labor force depletion, which weakens regional development capacity. The research concludes that the weakening of livelihood security resulting from transboundary pressures has become a structural barrier to economic development in Iran's border areas. Accordingly, strengthening water diplomacy and establishing monitoring and early warning systems are essential requirements for managing this crisis.

Abstract At first glance, paying attention to the identity of the Islamic Revolution is not a novel category, and it has been addressed to some extent in various works and from various angles. However, the category of defining an identity of the Islamic Revolution and the role of this identity in the event of the revolution or the cognitive relationship with the revolution is a novel matter and is inaccessible in terms of theoretical studies. In addition, most of the research that has dealt with the identity aspects of the Islamic Revolution has not considered a precise relationship between the essence of the revolution and its alleged identity, or has paid less attention to it. Therefore, the expression of identity categories and propositions in various specific political and social formats has been mainly considered. The present article has attempted to answer the question of "What are the central elements and components of the Islamic Revolution?" by redefining the identity of the Islamic Revolution and documenting the intellectual-historical identity of the revolution. And what is their relationship to each other? This article has used the descriptive-analytical method and Tajfel's theory of group-social identity in advancing its research. In such a way that at the end of the research, it has reached 5 main identity components; under 3 elements of social identity; and 2 identity-building sources for the Islamic Revolution and in order to draw and describe them more objectively, it has classified and correlated 66 exemplary themes under them.

Abstract This study, aiming to model the perspective pattern of proponent and opponent media on the global presence of Iranian cinema based on national interests, was conducted using a mixed-methods (qualitative-quantitative) approach. In the qualitative phase, semi-structured interviews were held with 12 academic and cinema experts (snowball sampling) and through thematic analysis, 4 organizing themes and 17 basic themes were extracted. Opponents' criticisms included: negative portrayal, weakening of national identity, influence from Western politics and festivals, and negative impact on domestic cinema. Proponents' support included: introducing Iranian culture, cinema growth, international opportunities, quality enhancement, and public diplomacy. National interest-based strategies encompass: improving global image, developing the industry and supporting domestic productions, strengthening cultural diplomacy, and expanding markets. The consequences involve: enhancing national image and culture, developing the industry and economic capacities, strengthening international collaborations, and raising cinematic standards. In the quantitative phase, a researcher-made questionnaire was distributed among 400 experts and filmmakers, and the structural model was confirmed via confirmatory factor analysis.

Abstract Ancient sports are one of the ancient and traditional sports of Iran, which arose from the historical and cultural context of this land and have always had significant effects on the values, traditions, and norms of society. What appears from the appearance of this sport is the building and strengthening of the body and its protection; however, by examining the details in the context of this sport and reflecting on its customs and characteristics, other hidden aspects become apparent that make it a valuable source in the production and distribution of social capital. In this regard, the main question of the article is: what effect does ancient sports, with its characteristics, create on the social capital and culture of Iranian society? By examining the customs, rituals, and details of the various parts of this sport, how they were formed, and how they were performed, the present study concludes that ancient sport, in addition to strengthening physical strength and power, seeks to educate and train the character of a warrior and promote and institutionalize human character and behavior and religious ethics in the context of society. In this way, it can have a significant impact on the culture of society and increase its social capital. By containing components such as chivalry, humility, nationalism, epic spirit and zeal, trustworthiness, and social support, it can play an effective role in creating empathy and integration of society by strengthening and promoting trust and reproducing social capital.

Abstract The 1357 revolution of the Islamic Republic of Iran and the January 2011 revolution in Egypt are two of these revolutions that can be analyzed from different angles..From this point of view, the aim of the current research is the comparative study of the components of modernization, revolutionary classes, the relationship between economic and social development with political development, violence and repression in the two Islamic revolutions of Iran and Egypt, based on Huntington's theory of unbalanced development.

The findings of the research indicate that the theory of unbalanced development is unable to explain all the influential factors and components in the Islamic Revolution and Egypt. In this way, it is possible to explain the lack of coordination and balance between the development of social and economic developments with the political institution and the inability to create political participation and attract elites and middle classes in the political structure in both revolutions in the framework of this theory.There is a fundamental difference between the Iranian Islamic Revolution and the 2011 Egyptian Revolution; The Islamic revolution was to restore Shiite identity and culture in opposition to modernity, but the 2011 Egyptian revolution occurred to improve the economic livelihood, political participation and to some extent inclined to secularism.

Abstract Contrary to the common belief in certain segments of public opinion that the city of Arak played only a marginal role in the course of the Islamic Revolution, examination of existing documents and narratives shows that this city—like many others in Iran—had a noteworthy presence in the protests and activities preceding 1979. In particular, two groups—educators and academics—each, by making use of their professional capacities and social networks, helped shape part of the political, cultural, and social developments of this period.



Adopting a historical‑analytical approach and drawing on the theoretical frameworks of resource mobilization and social capital, this study examines the role of these two groups between 1971 and 1979. Data were collected and analyzed through archival documents (especially SAVAK reports), interviews with revolutionary activists, and library sources.



Findings indicate that educators, using schools as a platform, were active in organizing gatherings, nationwide strikes, and awareness‑raising cultural programs such as protest theater. Meanwhile, academics—including faculty members and students of the Arak Higher School of Sciences—played a facilitative and organizing role for the youth by forming Islamic associations, holding book and photo exhibitions, reproducing and distributing leaflets, and turning the university into a starting point for citywide demonstrations.



Cooperation and synergy between these two groups, though not unparalleled on the national level, created a local linkage between educational protest movements and the public sphere of the city, thereby contributing, in its own measure, to the process that culminated in the victory of the Islamic Revolution.

Abstract Authentic and transformative leadership based on Islamic values ​​is one of the fundamental pillars of the sustainability and excellence of the Islamic society. In the current situation where corruption, profiteering, and moral weakness threaten many management structures, returning to principles such as honesty, simplicity, justice, and selfless service to the people is a fundamental necessity. The main question of this research is how authentic and transformative leadership based on Islamic values ​​and the thoughts of the Supreme Leader can provide a basis for social trust, national cohesion, and organizational excellence? According to the research hypothesis, if the leadership model in Iran is formed based on sincerity of intention, justice, self-awareness, empathy, and practical commitment to divine values, the result will be to strengthen social capital, increase the efficiency of organizations, and move toward a monotheistic society. The study of the thoughts of Imam Khomeini (RA) and the Supreme Leader shows that authentic leadership with honesty, simplicity, and people-orientedness restores social trust, and transformational leadership opens the path to the excellence of society by drawing a divine vision and mobilizing social forces. As a result, the realization of Islamic management requires simultaneous attention to the two dimensions of authenticity and transformation; the authenticity dimension guarantees legitimacy and public trust, and the transformational dimension leads society towards modernization, progress, and responsiveness to the needs of today and the future.

Abstract In today's world, with the increasing complexity of security threats, the traditional and classic model of security governance has lost its effectiveness, and the need to move towards "good security governance" based on community interaction and participation is felt more than ever. This research aims to evaluate the performance of the police in ensuring public security in Iran since the 1980s, identify challenges, and provide improvement solutions. The study was conducted using a qualitative field method and semi-structured open-ended questionnaires, and its statistical population consisted of 40 academic experts and senior police managers and commanders who were selected purposefully. After coding, the data were analyzed using the content analysis method. The findings show that the police's performance in operational and law enforcement areas such as controlling violent crimes, managing ethnic-local conflicts, and election security was acceptable, but there are weaknesses in social and software areas such as protest management, social prevention, public communications, and knowledge-based security. The most important suggestions include transitioning to participatory and preventive approaches, strengthening dialogue and mediation, improving police knowledge and professional ethics, and reducing political interference by parallel institutions.

Abstract Looking at the developments in the contemporary world order, it can be said that the world is returning to the logic of great power competition and quasi-imperial models rather than moving towards governance based on common rules. In such a context, the fundamental question of the present article is what are the similarities and differences between transnational governance and Imam Ali's (AS) view of international relations, and can these two approaches be analyzed and reinterpreted together? The aim of the research is to examine the moral and normative capacities of Imam Ali's (AS) thought to complement or criticize the transnational governance model in the face of global crises. The research hypothesis is that both approaches seek to reduce conflict and strengthen cooperation between societies, but they differ in the foundations of legitimacy, existential philosophy, and practical methods; transnational governance relies on modern and secular institutions and agreements, while Alavi's thought is based on justice, human dignity, and political ethics. The research method is based on descriptive-analytical and comparative analysis, which compares and conceptually explains the two approaches by utilizing library resources, theoretical texts on international relations, and the works and teachings of Imam Ali (AS). The research findings indicate that there is a significant overlap between the key components of transnational governance and the principles of international relations in the thought of Imam Ali (AS), such as keeping promises, conditional pacifism, moral dialogue, and global responsibility.

Abstract The reliance of the Islamic Republic of Iran’s foreign policy on religion, both in policymaking and implementation, has created significant challenges over the past decades. This article aims to show the components and factors that led to the inclusion of religion (Shiite Islam) in Iranian foreign policy after the Islamic Revolution. The revolution itself breathed a religious spirit into Iran’s domestic and foreign policymaking. However, this return to religion went beyond the attitude arising from the revolution. It also resulted from a set of internal and external rules and norms that, by building a religious identity, defined the Islamic role in foreign policy and shaped behavioral patterns accordingly. This article focuses on identifying relevant components and argues that rules and norms, including political Islam, political independence, anti-arrogance at home, the end of the Cold War, liberation movements, Islamic fundamentalism, a transitional order, and a turbulent Middle East, have established religious identity in Iran's foreign policy. As a result, foreign policy behavioral patterns developed accordingly. The findings, based on a constructivist approach and interactive analysis of the environment shaping identity in foreign policy, show that while the Islamic Revolution played a fundamental role in making religion central to foreign policy, several rules and norms also contributed to this development.

Abstract Understanding political phenomena has been one of the major concerns of activists, philosophers, and political scientists. They tried to create, innovate, integrate, or borrow a set of theories that could understand and explain political phenomena. One of the most famous figures who has played a role in contemporary political literature is Anthony Giddens. He tried to study social and political phenomena by using his structuration theory. This research tries to answer this question: What ability does Giddens' structuration theory have in understanding Ayatollah Khamenei's political thought? The findings show that structuration theory, by combining the theories of structuralism and voluntarism, focuses on the rethinking of human nature, and this theory allows researchers of political thought to explain political phenomena by understanding political and social conditions and paying attention to individual will and rethinking. Ayatollah Khamenei's political thought, as the leader of the Islamic Republic, relies on the institutional structures of the Islamic Revolution and the Constitution on the one hand, and on the other hand, emphasizes the role of the people, youth, and elites in change and progress. This feature makes Giddens's structuration theory framework a suitable tool for understanding this thought.

Abstract A cornerstone of any political structure is the achievement of sustained national solidarity and consensus. In the Islamic Republic of Iran, this issue is directly linked to the guarantee of The Nation's Rights (Chapter Three of the Constitution). However, a significant gap exists between the sublime ideals of this chapter and their interpretive and executive processes, challenging the stability of social consensus in the country. The primary goal of this article is to functionally analyze selected principles of the Nation’s Rights (particularly Articles 19, 22, 27, and 34) in realizing solidarity, and to investigate the interpretive challenges and executive obstacles faced by these principles in light of the constitutional discourse of legitimacy.

This research employs a descriptive-analytical approach, relying on documentary methodology. The findings indicate that the principles of Chapter Three theoretically provide a robust framework for social cohesion, consistent with Durkheim's theory of organic solidarity. However, the main obstacles are concentrated at two levels: first, restrictive and conservative interpretations (relying on caveats like public order) that degrade public freedoms from an "inherent right" to a "conditional privilege"; and second, structural executive barriers (such as institutional weaknesses in the Court of Administrative Justice) that undermine the effectiveness of the right to legal remedy (Article 34). These discrepancies directly lead to the erosion of political trust and the diminishing of the regime’s performance legitimacy. Consequently, the sustainability of national consensus depends on moving beyond reductionist interpretations and ensuring the practical guarantee of the Nation's inalienable rights in implementation and legislation.

Abstract The concept of justice in the thought of Imam Khomeini (RA) is one of the most fundamental concepts that has a decisive presence in the personal, moral, social and political spheres. This research, with an analytical-philosophical approach, examines the foundations and various dimensions of justice in his thought and shows that justice is not just a legal or political principle, but is rooted in anthropology, ethics and teleology of human life. In this framework, individual justice is considered as the balance of self-powers, internal refinement and establishment of virtue, a prelude to the realization of justice in the social arena. According to Imam Khomeini (RA), a just society is formed when the political structure and social relations are organized based on the rejection of oppression, respect for human rights, and adherence to divine values. The findings of this research show that justice in Imam's thought is a continuous and multi-level concept that starts with the self-improvement of the individual and extends to the establishment of a just social and political order. Based on this, the relationship between individual justice and social justice in his thought is an inseparable and evolutionary relationship; In such a way that without human reformation, sustainable social justice cannot be achieved, and without a fair structure, the ground for human moral growth will not be provided.

Abstract This article examines the political education of the digital generation Z (those born between the mid-1990s and early 2010s) and its role in the political development process in the Islamic Republic of Iran. Generation Z, as the first fully digital generation, has unique characteristics in the way it receives information, forms its identity, and interacts with political issues. This research also attempts to analyze, based on the theoretical foundations of political socialization, the concept of digital political culture, and the characteristics of Generation Z, how this generation is politically educated in the context of Iranian society and its potential effects on the components of political development (such as participation, accountability, and institution-building). The findings and results, which are based on the study of documents, scientific articles, reports, and content analysis of media related to Generation Z, such as social networks and online platforms, show that the political education of Generation Z in Iran faces numerous challenges and opportunities; On the one hand, widespread access to information and the high potential of digital participation can act as a driver of political development, but on the other hand, generational gaps, exposure to inaccurate information, and sometimes disappointment in the effectiveness of political action can become obstacles to this process.

Abstract The literature on media justice in Iran has predominantly reduced the link between media justice and social solidarity to issues of content distribution or access, neglecting the qualitative understanding of recognition mechanisms at the level of lived experience. This gap deepens in multicultural settings where identity sensitivities intertwine with the symbolic order. Thus, this study explores this link by examining the lived experiences of elites in the metropolis of Kermanshah regarding the Zagros Provincial Network, drawing on Axel Honneth’s theory of justice as recognition and employing Colaizzi’s phenomenological method. Data from in-depth semi-structured interviews with 10 experts in political science, sociology, history, and management were analyzed using Colaizzi’s seven-step method. Findings reveal that perception of solidarity is a multidimensional construct tied to the need for “being seen” and “mutual valuation.” However, the current situation in Kermanshah is conceptualized as “incomplete recognition”: a halt at the affective and legal levels of recognition, with the third level (active valuation of differences) remaining unrealized. Believing in the network’s specific role, participants propose “purposeful pluralism” as a transformative strategy. By focusing on recognition justice components, problem-oriented agency, and responsible management of cultural diversity, this model can turn the Zagros network into a “recognizing platform.” Finally, conceptualizing “incomplete recognition” and “latent recognition capital,” the article extends Honneth’s theory, demonstrating that without institutionalizing recognition justice in institutions such as media, solidarity in multicultural societies is reduced to mere coexistence.