scientific journal Political Sociology of the Islamic Revolution

Abstract This study provides a comparative analysis of how Iran’s major newspapers - Kayhan, Resalat, Etemad, and Shargh - represented the evolution of social cleavages across four key socio-political junctures: 2009, 2017, 2019, and 2022. The dataset comprises editorials, analytical notes, and reports purposefully selected for their direct relevance to these events.

Findings reveal that Kayhan and Resalat framed social cleavages within a discourse of system preservation, national cohesion, and political security. Terms such as sedition, unrest, foreign interference, infiltration, and hybrid warfare dominated their narratives, emphasizing the need for stability and unity. Conversely, Etemad and Shargh portrayed these cleavages as reflections of weakened state-society relations and declining public trust. Their discourse highlighted notions like public confidence, civil protest, national dialogue, and internal reform, focusing on rebuilding social capital and restoring the link between state and society.

A comparative reading shows a gradual shift from politically confrontational representations in 2009 toward socially and culturally grounded portrayals by 2022. Despite linguistic and interpretive differences, both press camps underscored the importance of maintaining social order and preventing crises. Grounded entirely in textual data and independent of external theoretical frameworks, this study offers a realistic depiction of the evolving representation of social cleavages in Iran’s media field.

Abstract This study aimed to explain the role of university professors and athlete students in increasing cultural resilience against soft war and to provide a scientific framework for utilizing this capacity. This applied research employed a descriptive-analytical (survey) method. The statistical population included all professors and athlete students of Farhangian University in Kermanshah province during the 2025-2026 academic year. A sample of 310 individuals (60 professors and 250 students) was selected using stratified random sampling. Data were collected using a researcher-made questionnaire and analyzed with SPSS software using Pearson correlation and multiple regression tests. Findings indicated a positive and significant correlation between the role of university professors (r=0.61) and the role of athlete students (r=0.54) with cultural resilience. Multiple regression results showed that these two variables together explain 48% of the variance in cultural resilience. Both the role of university professors (Beta=0.48) and the role of athlete students (Beta=0.36) positively and significantly predicted cultural resilience, with the explanatory share of professors being greater. The findings confirm that university professors, as intellectual and cultural references, and athlete students, as influential actors with social capital and role models, play complementary and synergistic roles in increasing the university's cultural resilience against soft war. Therefore, strengthening purposeful and planned interaction between these two groups can be considered an effective strategy in the cultural policymaking of universities to counter soft threats.

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Abstract This article conducts a comparative analysis of the components of "good governance" and the model of "religious democracy" in the Islamic Republic of Iran, focusing on the "rule of law" as the central axis of analysis. Using a descriptive-analytical method and data from international organizations such as the World Bank and the United Nations, the study demonstrates that despite efforts to align the principles of good governance with the foundations of Shia jurisprudence and the Iranian Constitution, structural challenges have hindered the full realization of this model. Tensions between the interpretation of Sharia by appointed institutions and modern legal requirements and, on the other hand, Iran’s low scores in global rule of law indices highlight the gap between theory and practice.

An analysis of the perspectives of Imam Khomeini and Ayatollah Khamenei reveals that both emphasize the Islamic nature of law and the supervisory role of the Guardianship of the Jurist However, ambiguities in delineating the boundaries between "expediency of the system" and the rule of law have created challenges in institutional accountability. The article proposes solutions to bridge this gap, including redefining dynamic jurisprudenc, strengthening independent oversight institutions, and fostering constructive engagement with international standards. It underscores the necessity of integrating Islamic identity with modern governance requirements to enhance good governance indicators and reinforce religious democracy. This research emphasizes the imperative of harmonizing Islamic principles with the demands of contemporary governance to advance both good governance and the efficacy of religious democracy in Iran

Abstract Political participation in general, and electoral participation in particular, have long been compelling and widely discussed topics among sociologists and political scientists. Scholars and researchers in the field of electoral behavior have examined and tested various factors and ideas to analyze voting behavior in different studies.



The present paper, which is the result of research on the electoral behavior of the Iranian people, seeks to investigate the impact of provincial development levels on electoral behavior during the thirteen presidential elections in Iran (1979–2021).



The research data on voter turnout across different provinces in these thirteen elections were extracted from the Statistical Yearbook of the Ministry of Interior. The data analysis method was based on secondary data analysis, using measures of central tendency, descriptive statistics, as well as related tables and charts.



The research findings indicate that in Iran, the level of provincial development has not had a direct correlation with voter turnout. Instead, participation has been influenced by broader structural factors, including political variables and the overall electoral atmosphere.

Abstract Islam has always given a special position and credit to the concept of resistance, and for this reason, it considers this term as a native concept. Facing oppression has shaped this concept and discourse. One of the thinkers who discussed this concept is Foucault. The formation of identity and the element of resistance is a representation of a new narrative that originated from Islam and through the original values of Islam, it tries to represent the desirable indicators of the West based on different discourse formats and to have social changes at different levels. The main question that this article seeks to answer is, what is the position of the element of resistance in the macro political discourses of the Islamic Republic of Iran? In this research, we will try to find out the most important components by using the discourse analysis of Lacla and Mofe. Also, in this article, the documentary and qualitative study method is used. The most important findings of the research are the findings of the research show that the most important components of the fundamentalist discourse, the central signifier of political Islam, the issuance of the Islamic revolution, the negation of the mustache, political justice, support for the oppressed and the signifiers of the reformist discourse in the Islamic Republic of Iran Democratic, democracy, human rights, legalism, freedom and positivism and the signs of revolutionary Islam discourse are revolutionary, independence, sensitivity towards the enemy.

Abstract Ayatollah Abdullah Javadi Amoli is a contemporary thinker who has spoken and commented in many different areas of Islamic humanities, including political theology. His scientific personality, due to his relative comprehensiveness in theology as well as in processing political theology issues and entering practical and theoretical politics in the realm of the religious world, is worthy of analysis and examination from various angles, including the issue of the impact of the environment on it. On this basis, the main question is what is the impact of space and environment on Javadi Amoli's scientific personality (with an emphasis on political theology)? The article's view in the form of Skinner's model towards objective contexts is based on the premise that the question of who we are depends on the question of where we are. On this basis, the family environment, life and education in Amol, Tehran and Qom, as part of the objective contexts, have had a fundamental impact on the formation of Javadi Amoli's scientific personality, especially in political theology. Javadi sprouts in Amol and his scientific stem takes shape in Tehran; In Qom, it expands, develops, and branches. Accordingly, the family environment has provided a spiritual pull for religious studies, the Amol environment has provided sparks of inclination towards interpretation, theology, and wisdom alongside the usual seminary courses, the Tehran environment has channeled him and pushed him towards these three sciences, and the Qom environment has elevated him, developed him,

Abstract The erosion of traditional models of social solidarity-driven by accelerated globalization, large-scale migration, and a growing abstract individualism-has rendered a conceptual reappraisal of solidarity in the contemporary world imperative. This article proposes a conceptual framework for rethinking social solidarity by conducting a comparative analysis of two influential contemporary theories: Axel Honneth’s theory of recognition and Richard Rorty’s politics of truth. Through a critical rereading of primary texts, the study demonstrates that a systematic integration of these perspectives yields a synthetic model for reconstructing solidarity across three interrelated levels:‌(1)‌ontological-individual identity-formation through social recognition;‌(2)‌social-the reproduction of a pluralistic public sphere via the redescription of narratives; and‌ (3) sustainable solidarity as the dialectical product of “institutionalized recognition justice” and “discursive inclusion.” Consequently, the paper’s original contribution lies in creatively linking structural and discursive dimensions within a pluralistic context, thereby transforming differences into drivers of societal progress and providing a framework for addressing challenges such as rampant individualism and identity crises. The practical implications of this framework include designing multicultural educational programs and creating inclusive media narratives to strengthen social cohesion

Abstract One of the aspects that distinguishes the Islamic Revolution of Iran from other great revolutions in the world is its anti-hegemony discourse. Also, creating a new discourse in international relations and presenting new ideas for change and transformation in the regional and international system and the free nations of the world, especially Muslim nations, using soft power is considered one of the important characteristics of the Islamic Revolution of Iran, some of whose characteristics can be observed in the formation of the Islamic Resistance Axis. This research seeks to examine the reflections of the Islamic Revolution of Iran on the formation of the Islamic Resistance from a new and theoretical perspective using the constructivist theory. The reason for choosing this theory is that constructivism considers an acceptable place for discursive and socio-cultural developments as well as human cognition and recognizes the ideas that shape different definitions of reality. Also, examining the reflections of the Islamic Revolution at the three levels of Islamic movements, revolutionary theories, and international ideological confrontations will have a higher explanatory power with this theory, and the reflections of the ideals of the Islamic Revolution in the cultural, identity, and sociological fields on the surrounding and international environment are consistent with this theory.

Abstract The Islamic Revolution should be considered one of the world’s social revolutions. The scope of changes resulting from social revolutions is vast and cannot be compared to political revolutions. These revolutions may set the trajectory for development in their countries, although this path may change based on experience or go through ups and downs. Accordingly, the present paper is aimed at examining the approach of the Islamic Republic to the issue of development in its first decade. This examination can show us how the leaders of the revolution viewed development and where we stand today in comparison to the 1980s. The research question is “from an institutional perspective, how can we analyze development policymaking in the first decade of the Islamic Republic?” The hypothesis presented in response to this question is “the post-revolutionary government, in its opposition to the previous political system, instead of defining development as economic growth, adopted a distributive approach and, within the framework of revolutionary ideals, focused on reducing inequalities and expanding welfare by establishing institutions such as the Imam Khomeini Relief Committee, the Foundation of the Oppressed, health houses, the Construction Jihad, and the Foundation of the Oppressed. To explain this hypothesis, the current paper will use the “Basic Needs” theoretical framework. The research method will be institutional, with data collection conducted in a library-based manner.

Abstract Undoubtedly, cultural security as a platform for preserving and improving the culture and cultural progress of any society is one of the basic necessities in this direction, which should be based on correct and accurate rationality. Therefore, this article paid attention to the cultural security of the Prophet's (PBUH) era and adapted and analyzed it to the rational standards of the thought of the leaders of the Islamic Revolution of Iran in line with modeling and analyzing the role of rationality in cultural security to explain and analyze the rational balance of cultural security for the Islamic revolution and the new Islamic civilization on the ideological criteria and intellectual and rational school of Islam. Thus, the question of this research is what was the role of rationality in the cultural security of the Prophet's period and what is its role in the cultural security of the Islamic Revolution of Iran based on the thought of the Leaders of the revolution? The article has analyzed the role of rationality in providing cultural security by using thematic analysis method in this direction studied responding, defending and explaining logically and rationally to the attacker's propositions, logically and rationally directing behaviors and actions, rationally functioning cultural tools and media in defense of Islamic culture and the rational role of Islamic unity, convergence and public participation.

Abstract The direct and indirect role of women during the eight years of the Sacred Defense presented a model to the world in this era that, sooner or later, will affect the fate and position of women in the world. They will understand that the presence of women is necessary not only in the family, but also in the field of social guardianship, jihad, and defense. It is a clear example of this pure saying that the mobilization means the efficient force of the country for all fields. However, it must be acknowledged that, despite the efforts to portray the role of women in the Sacred Defense, there is still a long way to go before the reality that has occurred is represented as befits the struggle of women in this era. This qualitative research, using an "understanding" method, is responsible for representing the corners of women's activism in various forms in the Sacred Defense. The research is based on library and documentary studies, the formulation of women's role in 3 main categories, and analysis, based on the 4 types of action of "Max Weber" typology and a researcher-made model. According to the results of the research, most of the contributions of women during the Holy Defense period in the social sphere and the mobilization of national resources and facilities were in the form of goal-oriented rational action and value-oriented rational action, and women's role in the family can be realized based on emotional or traditional action.

Abstract In the social domain, resilience is a dynamic and critical element that enhances a society's capacity to confront adversities, recover to its initial state, and even grow stronger and more empowered thereafter. Our religious society is perpetually exposed to challenges, threats, and even aggressions, the most recent being the 12-day assault by the Zionist regime. Nevertheless, the society's resilience in the face of this aggression was a key strength and a significant factor in its triumph. Consequently, "societal resilience" has become a vital factor in countering adversaries. Identifying and strengthening the components of this resilience will better prepare and fortify the society for future challenges. Therefore, the present study was designed to identify the factors of resilience in a religious society based on Islamic teachings (verses of the Holy Quran and Shia hadiths) and was conducted using the content analysis method. The research sample consisted of religious propositions related to the semantic domain of resilience, selected purposefully. After extracting relevant data, the validation of the results was performed based on the opinions of 10 specialized experts, using the Content Validity Index (CVI) and Content Validity Ratio (CVR), both of which achieved averages above the threshold, indicating the validity and utility of the research findings. According to the study’s findings, the "factors of resilience in a religious society" include 15 elements: "belief in God," "self-confidence," "positive thinking," "religious commitment," "spirituality," "rationality," "utilization of experiences," "zeal," "hope," "internal fortification," "effort and endeavor," "preparedness," "strong and independent governance," "resilient leadership," and "social cohesion."

Abstract The Islamic Republic of Iran, due to its anti-arrogance positions and its strategic position, has always been the target of the enemies' warlike threats. This research was conducted with the aim of investigating the social situation of Iran in the face of cognitive warfare and providing coping strategies. The present study is classified as prospective applied and exploratory research, which was carried out using the method of qualitative content analysis of the Supreme Leader's statements from February 2017 until now. The findings show that the enemy seeks to weaken national cohesion and change the beliefs of the society with tools such as media, cultural influence, in the three axes of distorting historical and identity facts, promoting individualism and consumerism, and intensifying generational and ethnic gaps. The innovation of this research is in presenting the indigenous model of dealing with cognitive warfare, which is based on the three pillars of strengthening social capital, explaining jihad, and targeting the enemy's influence. The results show that this research emphasizes the necessity of vigilance, national unity and strategic planning to reduce vulnerabilities and can be a suitable basis for macro policies in the field of dealing with soft threats.

Abstract The Shiite Marjaʿiyya, with its non-governmental nature, traditional financial autonomy, and social influence, has long played a crucial role in Iran’s societal transformations.This research analyzes the socio-cultural functional transformation of the Marjaʿiyya after the Islamic Revolution, focusing on the evolving dimensions of its authority and institutional position. The central issue is to understand how the establishment of the political system based on the Wilayat al-Faqih and post-revolutionary developments have influenced the nature of the socio-cultural functions of the Marjaʿiyya. The question is: What effects have the structural mechanisms that emerged in the post-revolutionary period had on the authority and the nature of the socio-cultural functions of the Shiite Marja'iyya? The hypothesis argues that after part of the Marjaʿiyya entered the official governmental structure, its institutional position in socio-cultural realms has changed. This matter has laid the groundwork for structural challenges to preserve traditional independence in its core functions of independent arbitration, educational roles, and the guidance and spiritual leadership of society. This research employs an analytical-comparative methodology to examine the transformation of the Marja’iyya’s socio-cultural function across two distinct periods: pre- and post-Islamic Revolution. The findings show that changes in funding sources for certain Marāji, the integration of judicial and arbitration roles into state institutions, and the formal restructuring of the public sphere have collectively challenged the Shia Marja’iyya’s socio-cultural autonomy, leading to an erosion of its symbolic capital. These developments have produced significant difficulties in maintaining the traditional integrity of the Marja’iyya institution and its comprehensive societal position.

Abstract Political development has gained significant traction since World War II, becoming a central focus for post-war theorists and politicians tasked with resolving the challenges of the era. Furthermore, all nations have pursued development across various levels, including political development, to enhance their international standing. One of the fundamental factors contributing to the advancement of political development is political parties. The role of political parties in Iran’s political development, both pre- and post-revolution, has consistently been decisive, transforming into a complex and multifaceted issue after the 1979 Revolution. Research findings indicate that parties, as key institutions in the political process, can contribute to strengthening democracy, public participation, and governmental accountability. However, challenges such as restrictions, suppression, and internal disunity have hampered the effective role of parties in this domain. This article seeks to answer the question: What role have political parties played in the political development of post-revolutionary Iran? The hypothesis proposed to answer this question is that political parties, by fostering internal cohesion and developing effective strategies, can overcome existing challenges and lead to the advancement of Iran’s political development. Given that the information for this research was gathered through existing and library-based sources, the research methodology employed is descriptive-analytical