scientific journal Political Sociology of the Islamic Revolution

Abstract Islam has always given a special position and credit to the concept of resistance, and for this reason, it considers this term as a native concept. Facing oppression has shaped this concept and discourse. One of the thinkers who discussed this concept is Foucault. The formation of identity and the element of resistance is a representation of a new narrative that originated from Islam and through the original values of Islam, it tries to represent the desirable indicators of the West based on different discourse formats and to have social changes at different levels. The main question that this article seeks to answer is, what is the position of the element of resistance in the macro political discourses of the Islamic Republic of Iran? In this research, we will try to find out the most important components by using the discourse analysis of Lacla and Mofe. Also, in this article, the documentary and qualitative study method is used. The most important findings of the research are the findings of the research show that the most important components of the fundamentalist discourse, the central signifier of political Islam, the issuance of the Islamic revolution, the negation of the mustache, political justice, support for the oppressed and the signifiers of the reformist discourse in the Islamic Republic of Iran Democratic, democracy, human rights, legalism, freedom and positivism and the signs of revolutionary Islam discourse are revolutionary, independence, sensitivity towards the enemy.

Abstract Electoral systems play a decisive role in the quality of political representation and the level of political participation in elections. In Iran, elections have consistently served as one of the principal arenas of interaction between society and the political structure. This study employs library-based research and qualitative content analysis to examine the following question: What impact has the electoral system in Iran had on the level of political participation during the period from 2000 to 2022? The findings indicate that the Iranian electoral system, based on a majoritarian model and direct voting mechanisms, has on the one hand provided a foundation for political legitimacy and formal citizen participation, while on the other hand, through its structural and institutional characteristics, has influenced the scope and quality of such participation. Furthermore, the dominance of a candidate-centered logic, weak party institutionalization, the winner-takes-all nature of the electoral system, and the limitation of reforms to procedural aspects have reduced the system’s capacity to fully reflect social and political diversity in political participation. An examination of different electoral periods also reveals that participation reached very high levels in some elections, turning them into arenas of broad social mobilization, whereas in other periods a significant decline in participation was observed. This fluctuation suggests that political participation in Iran is influenced not only by the legal structure of elections but also by the level of political competition, public trust, and citizens’ perceptions of the effectiveness of their votes.

Abstract This article examines the various dimensions of Iran's political security in the present era. Despite creating opportunities, globalization has brought new threats to Iran's political security. These threats are caused by internal developments such as identity crises, social discontent, and cyber threats, on the one hand, and by external factors such as regional competition, the influence of great powers, and economic sanctions, on the other. Globalization has increased the complexity of managing the political security of the Islamic Republic of Iran and has affected the system's ability to deal with internal and external threats. The expansion of global media and social networks has increased access to information and reduced the ability of the Iranian political system to manage internal security crises. Iran is trying to adjust its security policies in a way that resists both global and domestic threats. The main question of this research is "What are the main challenges of managing political security in Iran?" and "What impact has globalization had on these challenges?" In this research, by studying the existing texts and documents, 35 propositions were extracted and presented in the form of a questionnaire to a university statistical population that were graduates of political science, law, sociology, and engineering-technical fields for validity and verification, and then the responses were interpreted with SPSS software. Therefore, the research method in this article is a qualitative and analytical-descriptive approach.

Abstract Today, one of the most influential factors in the economic development of countries is government policy, as governments have historically devoted significant attention to reforming economic structures and achieving development. Following the end of the Iran-Iraq War, the Islamic Republic of Iran has pursued a path of economic development within the framework of the “resistance economy” and has sought to implement this model in its macroeconomic policymaking. The present study, adopting a comparative and documentary approach, seeks to address the fundamental question of how the policies of the three governments—“Construction” (Sazandegi), “Reform” (Eslah), and “Justice-oriented” (Adalat-Mahvari)—differed and converged, and to what extent these policies aligned with the principles of the resistance economy. The findings indicate that, although all three administrations endeavored to realize and implement this paradigm in accordance with the guidelines of the Supreme Leader of the Islamic Revolution, they achieved limited success in its effective and sustainable execution. Based on three key indicators—economic growth, inflation, and the Gini coefficient—the economic performance of these governments faced significant challenges. Consequently, not only were the objectives of the resistance economy only partially achieved, but adverse outcomes, such as an increase in social inequality and disruption of social balance, also emerged within Iranian society.

Abstract The aim of this study is to explore the foundations of the nation's rights (with an emphasis on freedom) within the intellectual system of Imam Khamenei. The research employs a rational method and a descriptive-analytical approach, and the data have been collected through a systematic study of his speeches and directives. The findings indicate that the foundations of the nation's rights in his thought can be explained at two levels: conceptual foundations, which address the definition and nature of the nation's rights and the theoretical framework necessary for their interpretation and implementation within the Constitution of the Islamic Republic of Iran. The affirmational foundations (taṣdīqī) are also examined in two categories—"remote" (dor) and "proximate" (nazdik): the remote foundations rest on components such as an ontology based on the continuity of divine guardianship (wilāyah), an epistemology that integrates religious rationality with social experience, a methodology including dynamic ijtihad, the Constitution as an executive framework, an anthropology based on free will, responsibility, and spirituality, and a sociology based on religious democracy. The proximate foundations are dedicated to the principles and practical factors that realize the nation's rights within the Islamic system.

Abstract Iran’s economy has long been characterized by a high dependence on oil revenues, a feature that has significantly influenced the country’s macroeconomic stability. One of the most critical historical episodes illustrating the consequences of this dependence is the oil shock of the 1970s, when the sharp rise in global oil prices led to an unprecedented increase in Iran’s oil income. While this surge initially stimulated rapid economic expansion and government spending, the absence of effective institutional mechanisms for managing these revenues contributed to rising liquidity, growing aggregate demand, and ultimately significant inflationary pressures. This study examines how the sudden increase in oil revenues during the 1970s contributed to inflation and structural imbalances in the Iranian economy. Using a historical–analytical approach within the framework of political economy, the research analyzes both quantitative data—including oil revenues, government expenditures, liquidity growth, GDP, and inflation—and qualitative sources such as historical documents and economic reports. The findings indicate that a large share of oil revenues was allocated to government spending, large-scale imports, and non-productive sectors, while investment in domestic productive capacities remained limited. This imbalance led to a widening gap between aggregate demand and domestic supply, intensifying inflationary pressures. The study concludes that ineffective management of oil revenues within a rentier economic structure contributed significantly to macroeconomic instability. The experience of the 1970s highlights the importance of institutional mechanisms, prudent fiscal management, and investment in productive sectors for ensuring long-term economic stability in resource-dependent economies such as Iran.

Abstract The connection between ethics and public policymaking does not simply mean that agents recommend individual virtues; it also requires that ethical values ​​are reflected in rules, procedures, decision-making processes, and accountability mechanisms. The main issue of this article is how ethics are transferred from the level of individual norms to the institutional level and then to the public policy cycle in the Islamic Republic of Iran. The present article, with a qualitative approach and the method of documentary and conceptual analysis, examines a targeted collection of primary Islamic sources, Persian research in the field of management and governance, and international literature on ethics and integrity in the public sector and analyzes the relationship between the concepts of justice, trustworthiness, human dignity, rights-based approach, accountability, transparency, and participation. Based on this analysis, “civilizational bioethics” is defined in this article as a proposed concept that extends ethics not only to the field of biomedicine, but also to the quality of collective life and the way of regulating public affairs, and establishes a connection between the three levels of micro, meso, and macro. At the micro level, the ethical competence and accountability of actors and the ethical evaluation of policies are of interest; at the meso level, organizational rules, conflict of interest, transparency and accountability are of interest; and at the macro level, public trust, participation and the common good are the focus.

Abstract Despite the sacrifices and protests made by Iranian workers in their civil movement and efforts to promote their union rights, they have performed poorly in Iran's contemporary history for many reasons. Of course, they played an important role in the victory of the Islamic Revolution by participating in numerous strikes and protests. However, the labor movement in the form of labor unions and parties never really took root. Therefore, the present study, using a descriptive-analytical method, raises the question: What factors and challenges have prevented the effective and efficient organizational, structural, and legal influence of labor movements and institutions on Iran's economic policies during the years 1370-1400? Our hypothetical answer to this question is that labor movements and organizations, given their minimal impact on their livelihood and financial fields, ultimately failed to have much impact on the government's economic policies during the years 1370-1400. Thus, the main goal of this research is to identify the obstacles and challenges of labor movements in influencing Iran's economic policies during these years.

Abstract The primary indicator of women's empowerment is their political participation in decision-making processes. Women's political participation extends beyond mere involvement in elections and voting; it encompasses an active and effective role for women in all democratic institutions. This research aims to propose strategies for empowering women in political decision-making within the Islamic Republic of Iran. The present study seeks to address the following central question: "What strategies can empower women to engage in political decision-making in the Islamic Republic of Iran?" The research employs a qualitative method, with data collected through interviews. The statistical population for this study includes professors from the faculties of political science, social sciences, sociology, and law. The sample comprised 15 of these professors. The results, following thematic analysis, reveal that the main themes include supportive government, modern education, legal reforms, civil institutions, media collaboration, and the modeling of effective strategies for empowering women in significant political and managerial decision-making processes.

Abstract Citizenship, as the right of human civil agency, is considered the most fundamental cognitive component and method of governance in the current period. In such a way that one cannot talk about democracy without considering citizenship. For this reason, the quality of citizenship and efforts to support and develop it, as well as increasing the bond between citizens and the government, are considered one of the most important criteria in evaluating the quality of governance in countries. Looking at the importance of the citizenship issue in the governance mechanism of the modern era, the following article tries to examine the relationship between identity theories and the issue of citizenship in the era of the Islamic Republic of Iran from a Social Constructionist perspective. The assumption of the article is that the issue of citizenship in the age of the Islamic Republic of Iran will not be realized without considering identity theories, meaning and possibility,and the issues and challenges facing it cannot be identified independently of the relations of identity currents. The results of the research also acknowledge that the issue of citizenship and its development, on the one hand, lies in the context of the relations of identity sources in Iran, and on the other hand, it depends on rethinking the two components of agency and individuality, and thirdly, that each of the identity theories According to their epistemological framework, they have presented a different reading of the issue of identity, and this provides different possibilities in relation to the

Abstract The analysis of the riots in the fall of 1401 in the Islamic Republic, which was designed by the enemies of the Islamic Revolution in the interpretation of the Supreme Leader of the revolution, can be done from different angles. The purpose of this research is to identify and explain different discourses to analyze these disturbances. For this purpose, the discourse analysis method of Lacla and Moff has been used as a qualitative research method. Data collection has been done using a semi-structured and in-depth interview with 19 professors of the Islamic Revolution who gathered in the meeting of the Scientific Association of the Islamic Revolution in Shiraz in February 1401, during 30 hours of interviews and about 400 pages of notes. After coding the interviews; The findings of the research show that the analysis of the riots of the fall of 1401 is included in four discourses that are complementary to each other: first, the "political-security discourse" around the nodal point of the "civilizational confrontation between Islam and the West"; Second, the "discourse of the governance system" around the nodal point of "governance malfunctions"; Third, "educational discourse" around the nodal point of "weakness of divine approach in formal and informal education system"; And fourth, "social discourse" revolves around the nodal point of "spreading the western lifestyle". Deep attention to these results by policy makers and governance decision makers can be helpful in reducing the damage of these disturbances and preventing similar disturbances to some extent.

Abstract Social justice has been a long-standing demand in Iran's contemporary history, which entered Iran's political culture since the constitutional revolution and under the left discourse. During the second Pahlavi period, the desire for justice was strongly intertwined with political trends and found deep connections with the issue of political legitimacy. This led to the delegitimization of the established regime with a justice-seeking approach and the use of justice policy as a sociological source of legitimacy in the alternative system. In the following article, the mentioned historical process is analyzed with a sociological approach and descriptive and analytical method. The article aims to answer the question that how the distributive justice policy directed towards the poor, became one of the most important sources of legitimacy in the Islamic Republic of Iran. The findings of the research indicate that the aforementioned policy is not the exclusive creation of the Islamic Republic, but rather the product of a historical process that the majority of contemporary Iranian political forces have played a role in creating it. The Islamic Republic of Iran has had the opportunity to take advantage of this legitimizing source due to its wide base among the lower classes since its establishment.Analyzing the link between political legitimacy and social justice as a historical matter, from before to after the revolution, is the main goal of this research.

Abstract The Islamic Republic of Iran got indulged in so many riots and turbulences from the time of its establishment. Among others, the riots and turbulences of the autumns 1401 was somehow different from the previous ones in the aspects such as its atmosphere, arrangement, typology, participation of social classes, its domain and more generally in its essence and form. Based on this fact, we want to answer this question: What are the effective factors in outbreak of those riots and turbulences of autumn 1401? In answering this question, this hypothesis is mentioned, thought this one has cultural and psychological backgrounds, but the contextual factors had their roles in the areas such as politic, economic and geography and accelerated that process. The findings of this have been arranged by a descriptive-analytic method and relative deprivation theory and indicate that the riots and turbulences after Islamic Revolution include one of political, economic and cultural forms in its typological aspects. But, the turbulences and riots of autumn 1401 the mixture of cultural, political and psychological factors such as social analogy and unrealized expectancy, issues of women, considerable deployment of virtual actuality as well as the other factors such as impossibility of holding a peaceful gathering, the differences between generations, races and genders, vulnerability of the economics, the erroneous official process, the recent marine tensions, unsecured geopolitics of Iran and the campaign of maximum pressure paved the way for appearance of those turbulences and riots

Abstract One of the important categories in Iran is cultural diversity. The purpose of this article is to examine the question of what place cultural diversity has in the constitution of the Islamic Republic of Iran and what are the solutions for cultural diversity in the Islamic Republic of Iran from the perspective of political sociology? This article is descriptive and analytical, and data collection has been used in data collection. The findings indicate that cultural diversity is formed in appropriate political and social contexts. Cultural diversity is recognized in Iran's constitution. Several principles of the constitution deal with the issue of culture and cultural rights, such as the right to free education, the right to freedom of communication and information, and the right to equality in enjoying all cultural rights. Cultural diversity in Iran's constitution includes three cultural elements, namely, language, religion and way of life. It seems that one of the challenges and problems facing cultural diversity is the non-recognition of cultural rights in an independent form and the non-allocation of a specific annual cultural budget from the government. The opportunity to consider cultural diversity, view cultural diversity as the foundation of security, adopt multicultural policies in general and multicultural education policies in particular, pay attention to social realities and intercultural sensitivities, intercultural communication, intercultural education and intercultural dialogue are among the most important It is a solution to strengthen cultural diversity in the Islamic Republic of Iran from the perspective of political sociology.

Abstract It is very important to deal with the issue of opposition as one of the capacities that play an important role in reforming and controlling the laws and government performance. By using the existing platforms in the political system, the opposition can take on the task of monitoring the implementation of laws and raise the existence of defects and inefficiencies and try to improve and reform various parts of governance. Regarding the opposition of the Islamic Republic of Iran, it should be said that this opposition is a political movement that was formed during the years after the Islamic Revolution. The opposition of the Islamic Republic of Iran includes domestic and foreign opponents. The main goal of the current research was to analyze the foreign opposition of the Islamic Republic of Iran with the personal interest approach of Johan Grafland using the analytical method. The results of the research showed that the foreign opposition has tried to make political and military changes in Iran through foreign supporters, the media, and active groups, and to achieve this goal, the priority of the personal interest and utilitarianism of each of the opposition has come to the fore, and the interest of the general public, In the sense that social benefits have not been pursued.

Abstract As the most important legal text, the constitution determines the behavioral and institutional framework in the Islamic Republic of Iran. On the other hand, one of the causes of the Islamic Revolution for the originators and the legislators is the issue of society and individuals’ independence and freedom in the face of the government. Therefore, the present study aims to investigate the position of civil society and the rights of individuals from the political modernity point of view. To do so, the main research question is, “what is the position of the political modernity components in the constitution of the Islamic Republic of Iran?”. It is a descriptive-analytical study. The data has been collected by the library and documentation methods. The Islamic Revolution discourse has tried to establish the political order under the political Islam discourse, which implements the Islamic and religious teachings in society and somehow directs the society towards spiritual and divine development. It brings about otherworldly prosperity for the concept of citizenship. On the other hand, according to Maurice Barbier, political modernity is based on the structural separation of the government, civil society, and the individual. In other words, modernity, in its political aspect, is based on respecting each mentioned component. The findings indicate that the components of civil society and the rights of individuals have been emphasized in the legal system of the Islamic Republic of Iran.

Abstract Occasionally, human societies go out of their natural state and become captives of crisis and war. The modern world still has a traditional approach to war. Maybe, the appeal of the media system and the mass media practice, especially the revolutionary media, to social responsibility can create a new doctrine in the innocent rights justification, the guarantee of a better implementation of international law, especially the law of war, and the preservation and consolidation of global peace and security. This research focuses on the mass media's approach to the war and the social responsibility of the media in the war analytically and descriptively, which deals with the performance of IRNA, BBC, and CNN news agencies in the Russia-Ukraine war. The results reveal that the media can help to realize the discourse of social justice via assessing the policies of their respective government and the ruling ideology and obeying it. Although some governments, by limiting the freedom of the media, despite reflecting some facts, may not fully fulfill their social responsibility principle and uphold innocent people's rights in conflicts, being aware of the influence of the mass media on public opinion, they try to distort the truth as they want by censoring the news. This necessitates a review of the media social responsibility principle and the special system creation to support the freedom of mass media during conflicts, as well as explaining the foundations of the sociology of revolutionary media and strengthening and increasing such media in social communication.

Abstract The present study was conducted with the aim of investigating the effectiveness of political participation in modern democracy in the Islamic Republic of Iran. Modern democracy is considered one of the main parts of political life in most countries of the world today, and it is one of the pillars of democracy. It can play an important role in the participation and supervision of citizens on the performance and decisions of political system workers, the parliament and the parliamentary system and its special role in various countries in the affairs of elections and in the Islamic Republic, hence this question has been raised. Is it possible to consider whether political participation can have a significant impact in modern democracy or not? The main purpose of this article is to explore political participation in modern democracy and in the system of the Islamic Republic of Iran, so it can be said that one of the main axes of the process of political developments, especially in countries, especially in Iran, from the constitution .It has been the desire for democracy, in the conditions of democracy, it has been associated as one of the theoretical and important problems of Iranian intellectual-political currents, including socialism, Islamist and liberalism, and these currents speak of the value and desirability of democracy. In this regard, democracy is the result of popular legitimacy and popular and institutional participation based on law and legality and controlled and under the supervision of legal authority and includes political diversity and plurality.

Abstract In discussing the activity of terrorist and militia groups in Baluchistan region, which have the color of geopolitical activism and fundamentalist (anti-Shia) tendencies, the role of regional and extra-regional foreign governments is of special importance; because in the competitive or hostile atmosphere that exists around the Islamic Republic of Iran as a regional power with anti-Western and Shiite ideological tendencies, making Iran appear unstable and endangering the security of its borders can be a step towards weakening this country and the possible change of the balance of power in their favor. The main question of the current research is: What role do foreign powers play in the geopolitical activism of terrorist groups in Baluchistan? The hypothesis that is raised following this question: Regional and extra-regional powers have taken advantage of the special geopolitical situation of Baluchistan and with direct and indirect support, mainly financial, they use the movements of these groups to destabilize Iran's borders and attack the country's interests. The results of the research show that the entanglement of Baluchistan's borders between the two countries of Iran and Pakistan and its proximity to the Afghan Taliban, along with the unfavorable economic situation and political isolation and social discrimination of this area (which has a Sunni minority), have given power foreign countries have allowed them to pursue their goals and objectives better. The research method in this article is to collect historical and non-historical documents and sources in a library manner and then analyze the obtained data.

Abstract The issue of political participation is general and comprehensive in human communities and it is rarely found a day when it is not talked about human rights and people’s participation in governments’ fate in the mass media, the press, and even everyday conversations. In Iran also, especially after the Islamic Revolution, political participation and specifically voting behavior grabbed particular attention. In the Iranian political and legal structure, the different means of realization of political participation have been accepted, though with some barriers, in the framework of the constitution and the laws in the area of public rights. Thus, the present study aims to analyze and explore the position of political participation in the constitution of the Islamic Republic of Iran. To do so, the indicators of political participation and its mechanism in the constitution were expressed using library studies. Besides, the election as one of the components of political participation in the constitution was investigated. the results indicate that the constitution of the Islamic Republic of Iran as the main document to guarantee rights and freedoms explicitly or implicitly enumerates the people’s political participation as a right for them and determines its boundaries. The Islamic Republic system and its constitution are created by the people’s votes and in the meantime, the election of the Supreme Leader indirectly as well as the president’s selection and selection of members of the Islamic Consultative Assembly, and participation, in the government administration and participation in the advancement of the country's affairs.

Abstract The third chapter of the Constitution of the Islamic Republic of Iran is devoted to the rights of the nation. The study of the third chapter of the constitution has not been considered from the point of view of political sociology. The basic question raised and analyzed in this article is what rights of the nation are included in the third chapter of the constitution according to the international human rights documents and more importantly, what are the political and social contexts. Is? The present article is descriptive and analytical and has investigated the mentioned topic using a library method. The findings indicate that what is proposed in the third chapter of the Constitution of the Islamic Republic of Iran is consistent with the human rights documents in this regard, although some of these rights face limitations. In the third chapter, the legislator has emphasized the freedom of individuals to the extent that it does not harm the rights and freedom of others, public order and Islamic principles. From the point of view of political sociology, the roots of the third chapter of the constitution should be sought in the libertarian developments of the constitutional revolution and libertarianism in this period. Because what is mentioned in the third chapter of the Constitution of the Islamic Republic of Iran was included in the Constitution. Of course, it is necessary to mention the people's demands for freedom during the Pahlavi period, which was manifested in the slogan of independence and freedom.

Abstract Examining the role of social forces in political developments is one of the important and basic issues in political sociology. Social classes are among the distinct social forces that play a role in analyzing the performance of socio-political groups. Among the divisions of social classes, the role of the middle class in Iran's political and social developments has always been considered. This article, which is a descriptive-analytical research, has been written with the aim of explaining the role, position, structure and status of the traditional and new middle class in the Islamic Republic of Iran. Why is the middle class heterogeneous in Iran and what is the role, structure and status of the traditional and new middle class in the developments of the Islamic Republic of Iran, especially from 1997 to 2013? It constitutes the most important question of the present research. Overall, the results of the research show that the traditional and new middle class strata are increasing their role and influence on the political and social developments in the Islamic Republic, but it seems that as we move away from the beginning of the revolution, we see an increase in the role of the new middle class and a decrease We are the traditional middle class role.

Abstract The formation of society structures according to the structuralist view is created by the action between members of society and the production of similar signs in a system of signs. In relation to each other, these actions arrive at an "interactive order" from which the patterns, structures, and institutions of society emerge. Therefore, the process of community development takes place through these structures and institutions. Therefore, it is important to study the shift of the traditional and social structure of a society and its impact on development. The purpose of this study is to investigate the change in the social structure of Iran. The main question of the research is what effect the shift from traditional to postmodern structure has on the process of political development and the approach of international relations in Iran. The research hypothesis is that the change in social structure leads to the formation of structures and institutions of Iranian society that the concept of development emphasizes pluralism and human development rather than unity and economic development. Using a descriptive-analytical method and an integrated approach, as well as compiling a library, this study concludes that the change in the traditional structure that prevailed in the early Islamic Revolution and mainly in the form of specific roles of individuals and family system. He acknowledged that he portrayed the development of society as traditional and organic growth through the action of the postmodern structure, which takes place mainly in virtual human beings and in multiple and contrasting roles.

Abstract Countries try to increase their sphere of influence by using various phenomena and factors. Expanding the sphere of influence outside the borders of a country is usually considered as a sign of that country's strength, and for this reason, countries, especially regional powers, are interested in playing a role in their surrounding spaces through various factors and variables. In the meantime, one of these variables is the factor of religion. . We are witnessing extensive competitions between Iran and Saudi Arabia in the fields of geopolitics, geoeconomics, ideology and geoculture. Therefore, in the field of Yemeni competition, the existence of geopolitical relations between Iran and the Yemeni Shiites is in a way an observation of the spatial and geographical complements assumed beyond the borders, which are structurally homogeneous and functionally considered to provide the needs and shortcomings of a country. Therefore, the existence of ideological geopolitical competition between Iran and Saudi Arabia in Yemen and other countries, if governments aligned with the ideological tendencies of each of the two competitors are created, it will increase the power of maneuver and passivity of the other side in the regional scene. The current research seeks to answer the question of what role Yemen's Shiites will play in the regional geopolitical competition between Iran and Saudi Arabia. For this purpose, by using the collected documents and information and descriptive-analytical method of the content, the relationship of the desired variables has been examined.

Abstract The present study aims to identify the factors effective in the non-realization of development in the post-Islamic revolution era. It is qualitative-descriptive research with a developmental approach in terms of objectives. the statistical population includes the elites and experts in the fields of economy, sociology of economy and development as well as those involved in the country's economic development. Using the purposive sampling method, 15 participants in the statistical population were interviewed. The thematic analysis was used to analyze the data obtained from the interviews. The findings indicate that from the interviewees’ perspective, lack of attraction of foreign capital, capital flight, brain drain, lack of a national consensus on development, emphasis on ideology instead of nationalism, the existence of rentier rule, and lack of attention paid to political freedoms are considered as the most important factors affecting the failure to achieve an optimal level of production and welfare in the period after the Islamic Revolution. In addition, from the viewpoint of the experts, the high volume of liquidity, the increase in exchange rates, the instability of monetary policies, the high-interest rates, and the bankruptcy of banks are considered as the consequences of wrong monetary and price policies which affect economic growth. Also, based on the results, the ill-conceived interventions of the government in the issue of currency, insistence on mandatory pricing by the government, lack of a real system of division of duties in the government structure, unfair tax system, size of the government, high government expenditures,.