scientific journal Political Sociology of the Islamic Revolution

Abstract Undoubtedly, the Islamic Revolution of Iran has been the greatest revolution of the twentieth century, which has been able to have a wide range of effects both domestically and internationally. Its distinguishing feature from other revolutions was its emphasis on spirituality and values ​​inspired by the religion of Islam, so that by relying on the cultural power of Islam and reviving Islamic values ​​in a specific international and domestic context, it was able to win by mass mobilization. Reach. The study of the causes of revolutions has always been one of the most fascinating topics in political science and sociology. So far, different views have been put forward regarding the causes of the Islamic Revolution in Iran. In this study, we intend to express the dissatisfaction and failure of various sections of society in the form of relative deprivation, as well as direct and indirect communication between the army and the person of Mohammad Reza Pahlavi, and the effects of these relations on unrest and dissatisfaction that led to the revolution. Has been examined.

Abstract The movement ‌of “ethnicism” (in ‌the‌ sense ‌of right - seeking and central demand against The‌ “ethnocentrism “of the‌ dominant ethnic group in Iran) in the ‌form‌ of “Turkish nationalism” is an important par t‌of political Life in Azerbaijan. This article seeks to trace the‌ roots and causes‌of the‌ events ‌of the‌ politicization of cultural, racial, linguistic and regional differences in Azerbaijan in the‌ contemporary peried; and especially after the‌ Islamic Revolution to ‌look‌ at both ‌the ‌“primordial” and “modern” approaches to ethnicity. Explaining the ethnic-national political currents of Azerbaijan requires more coplex approaches to the‌ issue‌ of nationality and nation in “general” and nationalism in “particular”. The refore, one ‌of‌ the the ories‌ of Michael Hechter’s scientific model (as a ‌desirable model) with a‌structural explanation (ie, the ‌effect‌ of the uneven development & regional inequalities) for the ‌analysis of ethnicism in Azerbaijan, forms the‌ skeleton and direction‌ of the article. The present article considers ethnic, cultural and identity diversity in ‌Iran as a great blessing. Because the ‌survival, continuity and ‌width ‌of the Iranian‌ body in different scenes depends ‌on its diversity. However, in‌ the ‌last‌ century, the ‌multi faceted ‌‌tree‌ of‌ existence, the diverse Iranig culture and identity, has been plagued by wounds of “internal” and “external” origin. The‌ results obtained in this article clearly show the‌ direct effect of indicators and variables derived from the‌ theory of the‌ in ‌the‌ occurrence, emergence and continuation of nationalist and ethnocentr developments in Azerbaijan in the‌ last‌ century.

Abstract Political awareness is a skill that can be learned and developed, and it is not separate from the subject (human social life), the goal (knowledge and ability to make decisions about collective affairs) and the destination (finding or building ways for human happiness in society) of political science. Therefore, political awareness is not a side product, but one of the main features of political science. Considering the importance of citizens' political awareness as a stable national capital, this article has been made with the aim of drawing a model of the role of political science in public political awareness by using foundational data theory. For this purpose, 18 specialized semi-structured interviews were conducted with political science professors dominated in the field of political awareness, whose text analysis in the open coding process led to the emergence of 426 initial codes related to 136 abstract concepts in the form of 25 categories. According to the findings of the article, causal conditions including political science human resources, the nature of political science, scope of action, political science groups, communication channels, professional specialties and psychological factors have the greatest impact on role-playing promotion strategies. Political science contributes to public political awareness. These strategies are secondarily affected by the components of external origin, such as the society and the government and their subcategories, which are classified as contextual and intervening factors.

Abstract In the present study, we seek to answer the question that what role did the components of religious democracy in the Islamic Revolution of Iran play in increasing political participation by emphasizing the two components of people's rights and the rule of law? In response to this question, the hypothesis that the components of religious democracy of the Islamic Revolution such as the recognition of people's rights and the rule of law have increased political participation, but there is a difference between these components in increasing political participation, is examined. The theoretical framework of this research is based on a combination of Western and Islamic theories about the role of components in increasing political participation. In line with this framework, information and data are collected qualitatively using library and documentary sources and descriptively. Analytically, reviewed and analyzed. The results showed that each of the components of the religious democracy of the Islamic Revolution has somehow increased political participation in the Islamic Republic, but between these components there has been intensity and weakness in increasing political participation in different periods. It should also be noted that the component of people's rights has been more effective in increasing political participation than the component of the rule of law. Based on the findings, it can be concluded that more measures should be taken to improve the status of these components regarding the text of the laws, because these components can provide grounds that increase or decrease the political participation of the people.

Abstract In this study, the relationship of "Islamic society" with "Islamic revolution","Islamic state" and "modern Islamic civilization" in terms of rank advancement is evaluated as debatable and idealistic, and while criticizing the linear model, and presenting a new theoretical model, about The importance of dialectical understanding of the relationship between "Islamic society" and the above components has been argued. In the sense that through theoretical analysis, it is shown that between all these stages, there is always a positive dialectic of "back and forth" type centered on "a limit of Islamic society" and the opposite assumption is that "during the stages without the existence of a level of Islamic society", is not possible. In the following, with a critical approach, the author has examined the experience of the past four decades and by pointing to the weakness of the current Islamic society in comparison with the beginning of the Islamic revolution, he has considered it as a proof of the need to pay attention to the "dialectic of progress" model based on the Islamic society. In the end, the practical requirements resulting from the theoretical discussion, focusing on the importance of state-building at this historical moment, are discussed and pointing to the negative impact of the possible weaknesses of inefficient state-building in the secularization of the society, the promotion or creation of more capacities in the society and specifically "more Islamic" Becoming a society" has been evaluated as a necessary and necessary condition for the future stages.

Abstract This study aimed to explain the role of university professors and athlete students in increasing cultural resilience against soft war and to provide a scientific framework for utilizing this capacity. This applied research employed a descriptive-analytical (survey) method. The statistical population included all professors and athlete students of Farhangian University in Kermanshah province during the 2025-2026 academic year. A sample of 310 individuals (60 professors and 250 students) was selected using stratified random sampling. Data were collected using a researcher-made questionnaire and analyzed with SPSS software using Pearson correlation and multiple regression tests. Findings indicated a positive and significant correlation between the role of university professors (r=0.61) and the role of athlete students (r=0.54) with cultural resilience. Multiple regression results showed that these two variables together explain 48% of the variance in cultural resilience. Both the role of university professors (Beta=0.48) and the role of athlete students (Beta=0.36) positively and significantly predicted cultural resilience, with the explanatory share of professors being greater. The findings confirm that university professors, as intellectual and cultural references, and athlete students, as influential actors with social capital and role models, play complementary and synergistic roles in increasing the university's cultural resilience against soft war. Therefore, strengthening purposeful and planned interaction between these two groups can be considered an effective strategy in the cultural policymaking of universities to counter soft threats.

Abstract Supervision plays a major role in improving government policies and functions; The purpose of establishing supervisory governance is to control possible deviations in administrative institutions so that by providing corrective feedback, while providing necessary information to improve governance and policy-making, necessary process reforms are applied in the political and administrative system. Judiciary, by exercising general and inclusive judicial supervision, and as the main supervisory authority of the country and protector of citizens' rights, has the duty to diagnose, prevent and deal with misdemeanors, violations and crimes by carrying out supervision and inspection. Using the analytical descriptive method, this article deals with the fact that the governance of judicial supervision at both internal and external levels oversees all the activities and actions of administrative bodies and ensures compliance with laws and regulations, preventing abuse of power and leaving the field. Competence and authority and compensation for the damages caused to the citizens in two methods of survey monitoring (information about the way of working and the good flow of affairs and how the laws are implemented in government organizations and offices) and judicial monitoring (dealing with complaints against decisions, actions and regulations of the government and It provides the provisions of the quasi-judicial authorities of the executive branch.

Abstract In the recent decades and following the failure of theories regarding the government, by international institutions such as the Human Rights Commission and the World Bank, good governance as one of the dominant theories and models in the field of administration and management of modern societies has been put forward in the agenda of thinkers and development institutions, as well as Governments and global communities are placed. In this regard, this descriptive and analytical article has been written with the aim of explaining and understanding the cultural challenges of the elite sphere in the process of realizing good governance in the Islamic Republic of Iran. The present research hypothesis, in response to the cultural challenges of the elite field in the realization of good governance, emphasizes on cultural components such as negative individualism, secrecy and lack of transparency, differences and divisions. The findings show that there is a reciprocal relationship between the lack of good governance and cultural obstacles such as negative individualism, secrecy and lack of transparency, disagreement and division in the elite field. In addition, this article shows that the challenges and problems of good governance have been reproduced in the form of a vicious cycle over many years, and this vicious cycle has been the biggest obstacle to good governance in Iran. Political culture with concepts such as democratic discourse, reformability and political education, peaceful competition and moralism are among the cultural factors that can help to implement good governance in the Islamic Republic of Iran..

Abstract The power paradigm approach is an explanation for the transfer of governments and in the context of investigating power changes at the level of agency and structure in four areas of accumulation, hegemony, identity and legitimacy. But at the level of government changes in a single system like the Islamic Republic, another approach should be used to explain the micro-changes under the macro-power paradigm of the Islamic Republic. The main question of the article is what approach can be used to explain the changes in the level of power under a political system. It seems that the best criterion for investigation is the investigation of discursive differences alongside the investigation of changes in agency and persons. In the Islamic Republic, since 1376, the two discourses of reformism and fundamentalism, with a continuity, are shifting and rotating power. This discursive turn is similar to the concept of Sattari power paradigm, which is considered a micro-paradigm turn due to discursive changes instead of changes in the four structural causes. In this article, the Sattari power paradigm approach is used to explain the rotation of sub-paradigms of power in the Islamic Republic. The result shows that the governments of Khatami, Rouhani, and the doctors are defined under the sub-paradigm of reformist power, and the governments of Ahmadinejad and Shahid Raisi are defined under the sub-paradigm of fundamentalism. This process of movement and rotation of power flow in the Islamic Republic is interpreted as the rotation of sub-paradigms of power in the Islamic Republic.

Abstract A serious question has always been raised that what are the currents of thought regarding the category of Mahdism and expectation? Especially in the last half century, when a more accurate understanding and attitude has been created with the development of the Islamic revolution in Iran, therefore, we tried in this article with the descriptive-analytical research method, the three main intellectual currents of modernists and traditionalists, and Muslim civilizationists. , let's analyze these three schools of thought, the results obtained by combining the data and summarizing can be presented in such a way that the majority of modernists have a secularist view of the religious space, so some people in this school either do not believe in Mahdism at all, or The minimalist view, and the mainstream of relativists look at the appearance of humanity, and interpret Mahdism with a minimal view and sometimes as a negative expectation of corruption, but the intellectual approach of the civilizationists, who with careful effort to Islam and according to the social and political rules Islam provides a more precise definition of Mahdism.

Abstract An ideal society or a desirable society is a society under divine guidance whose goal is the spiritual and material growth of mankind and has always been the focus of divine philosophers.This society, which has many models and components in religious texts, is constantly growing and flourishing, and the dignity of human beings is respected, people obey God's will and obey Her orders, and they uphold God's justice and piety in all its affairs.The preservation and continuation of the Islamic revolution requires that the elites and the custodians implement the characteristics of the desirable Islamic society in the society (necessity and importance of the issue). The leading research answers this question with a descriptive-analytical method and with the method of collecting documentary texts(Method) From the perspective of religious texts, what are the characteristics of an ideal society and what impact does it have on the continuation of the Islamic Revolution? (Question) In response to the question, an ideal society is a society whose individuals strive and strive for their true happiness and perfection, and has four types of relationships: relationship with the Almighty God, relationship with oneself, relationship with nature (inanimate objects, plants and animals), and relationship with other humans. These relationships are achieved in four areas: political (the sovereignty of the Imam, etc.), cultural (monotheistic education and upbringing, central justice, brotherhood and loAs a result, the Islamic Revolution, which was established by Imam Khomeini with the theory of an Islamic government based on the guardianship of the jurist,

Abstract امنیت به‌عنوان یکی از ارکان بنیادین و حیاتی جامعه، از اهداف متعالی و آرمان‌های والای انقلاب اسلامی محسوب می‌گردد. بیانیه گام دوم انقلاب در کنار آموزه‌های اسلامی، به‌مثابه سندی راهبردی انقلاب اسلامی، پیشران‌های ثبات و عناصر امنیت کشور را در هفت مؤلفه کلیدی ترسیم نموده و در آغاز گام دوم انقلاب گام‌های بلندی در مسیر تحقق امنیت همه‌جانبه برداشته است. این بیانیه، که بر پایه اصول و ارزش‌های قرآنی تدوین شده، از سوی مقام معظم رهبری صادر شده و به‌عنوان نقشه‌ای راهبردی، مسیر تحقق تمدن نوین اسلامی را هموار می‌سازد. پرسشی مقاله پیش رو این است که راهبردهای تأمینی انقلاب اسلامی برای نیل به امنیت همه‌جانبه، مبتنی بر آموزه‌های اسلامی و بیانیه گام دوم انقلاب کدام‌اند؟ در آموزه‌های اسلامی و بیانیه گام دوم انقلاب، بخشی از این راهبردها تبیین شده است. پژوهش حاضر با روش تحلیل محتوا، به واکاوی بیانیه گام دوم انقلاب و سایر داده‌های تحلیلی با رویکردی قرآنی پرداخته است. راهبردهای تأمینی انقلاب اسلامی در دو وجه «تکمینی» و «تسکینی» بر اساس آیات قرآن کریم طراحی شده‌اند. راهبرد تکمینی ارصادی، با رویکرد آمادگی و محوریت دفع تهدیدات و ناامنی‌ها، و راهبرد تسکینی، با هدف تزریق اُمید و ایجاد آرامش و اطمینان خاطر برای مؤمنان، تدوین گردیده‌اند. هدف پژوهش بازخوانی دو وجه «تکمیلی» و «تسکینی» امنیت در قالب «راهبرد تأمینی» است تا بر پایه روش تحلیل متن ومحتوا، عناصر امنیت را در ساحت بیانیه گام دوم تحلیل نماید.دستاورد آن رویکرد نوینی است که می تواند زمینه ساز «نظریه اسلامی امنیت» از منظر رهبر فرزانه انقلاب اسلامی باشد.

Abstract The evolution of China's foreign policy in the last decade reflects a transition from an "avoidance of intervention" approach to active and network-oriented activism in the peripheral environment. The West Asian region has become one of the strategic centers of this transformation due to its geopolitical position, energy resources, and transit location. The present study uses the conceptual framework of "neighborhood policy" to explain China's new foreign policy in West Asia and examines Iran and Turkey as two comparative case studies. The main question is how China's policy in this region can be explained in the context of the logic of geoeconomic neighborhood and what factors explain the difference in China's interaction pattern with Iran and Turkey? The findings show that China, within the framework of the Belt and Road megaproject, has adopted a strategy based on deepening economic dependence, diversifying transit routes, and soft balancing against the influence of the United States. In this framework, Iran plays the role of a geopolitical partner in balancing with the West, while Turkey is more defined as a logistical node and connector of Eurasia. The research concludes that China's neighborhood policy is pragmatic, network-oriented, and non-coalitional in nature, and operates based on "comparative geoeconomic balance."

Abstract Addressing the issue of the new middle class as one of the main influential groups in the contemporary period of Iranian history, especially in the last four decades, is of various dimensions. One of these dimensions that has and will have a great impact on the understanding of the Islamic Revolution is the developments, characteristics and political challenges of the new middle class in the Islamic Republic. What political developments has the emergence and existence of a new middle class in the Islamic Republic of Iran gone through and what challenges does it pose to the system of the Islamic Republic of Iran? The main question of this article is. Methodologically, it is a descriptive-analytical study that has been used as a library method to collect information. The results show that the emergence of a new middle class in Iran and its developments has faced the Islamic Republic with challenges such as the fluidity of political demands and tendencies, discourse conflict with the traditional middle class, multiple political demands and good governance.

Abstract
The basic issue of this article is the theory of resistance as a new political-social theory arising from the victory of the Islamic Revolution, for the present and the future of the Islamic Revolution. This theory has grown in the face of the dominance of the Western-arrogant theories and has led to the empowerment and awakening of the Islamic world. The Islamic Revolution in the past fourteen decades relies on For this theory, while marginalizing the dominance of arrogance theories, it achieved many successes in the political, economic, scientific, etc. fields. This theory has characteristics such as being natural, rational, and

It also has negative elements such as anti-arrogance, anti-tyranny, and positive elements such as central spirituality, pacifism, etc. With the beginning of the fifth decade of the Islamic Revolution, the Supreme Leader of the Islamic Revolution announced a statement about the future of the Islamic Revolution, in which he outlined the path of the Islamic Revolution to reach a new Islamic civilization. They considered the most important missions of the second step of the revolution to be the authority in the following areas, which is achieved by relying on independence and resistance.

. Field of science and research 2. The field of spirituality and ethics 3. The field of economics 4. The field of justice and anti-corruption 5. The field of independence and freedom 6. The field of national honor and foreign relations .

Abstract Different countries use different political economy to achieve development, including free market economy or government and redistribution approach. In this research, the adaptation of the development policies of the 9th and 10th governments in economic and political fields is with this theory. Another goal is to use this theory to study the development in Iran and find suitable solutions to overcome inefficiency problems. Because this theory has been tested in achieving the development of East Asian countries.The findings and results of using the descriptive-analytical method in this research indicate that the construction of the limited access order in the mentioned governments, along with the nature of the construction of the rentier government and economic policy in order to create benefits for the Faradistan and the ruling elite, distort The competitive atmosphere in favor of a certain group of followers of power led to the failure of the government to achieve economic development and social justice. Also, among other factors, we can mention the personal view and the lack of coalition and the existence of rentier relations of the type of unproductive rent. In addition, this government has not been able to get rid of the structure of rentierism by changing the historical institutional path and improving the institutional quality desired by North.

Abstract At first glance, paying attention to the identity of the Islamic Revolution is not a novel category, and it has been addressed to some extent in various works and from various angles. However, the category of defining an identity of the Islamic Revolution and the role of this identity in the event of the revolution or the cognitive relationship with the revolution is a novel matter and is inaccessible in terms of theoretical studies. In addition, most of the research that has dealt with the identity aspects of the Islamic Revolution has not considered a precise relationship between the essence of the revolution and its alleged identity, or has paid less attention to it. Therefore, the expression of identity categories and propositions in various specific political and social formats has been mainly considered. The present article has attempted to answer the question of "What are the central elements and components of the Islamic Revolution?" by redefining the identity of the Islamic Revolution and documenting the intellectual-historical identity of the revolution. And what is their relationship to each other? This article has used the descriptive-analytical method and Tajfel's theory of group-social identity in advancing its research. In such a way that at the end of the research, it has reached 5 main identity components; under 3 elements of social identity; and 2 identity-building sources for the Islamic Revolution and in order to draw and describe them more objectively, it has classified and correlated 66 exemplary themes under them.

Abstract The emergence and expansion of IAU as Iran’s largest non-profit higher education system plays a pivotal role in realizing the cultural-educational objectives of the Islamic Revolution. Given the limited analysis of cultural policymaking typologies within this institution, the present study employs a historical-managerial approach and grounded theory methodology to identify and examine the evolution of cultural policies across different administrative periods. Research data were collected through semi-structured interviews with 30 key stakeholders (presidents, vice-presidents for cultural affairs, representatives of the Supreme Leader, and cultural unit directors) and analyzed using MAXQDA software through open, axial, and selective coding procedures. The findings reveal that cultural policymaking at Islamic Azad University evolved through five distinct typologies: (1) stabilization-developmental policymaking with quantitative dominance (Dr. Abdullah Jasbi period), (2) identity-centered centralized policymaking (Dr. Farhad Daneshju period), (3) administrative-institutional policymaking with structural approach (Dr. Hamid Mirzadeh period), (4) interactive-regulatory policymaking (Dr. Farhad Rahbar period), and (5) transformational policymaking with educational-civilizational approach (Dr. Mohammad Mehdi Tehranchi period). Each typology is shaped by causal conditions (ideological foundations, economic pressures, structural crises), contextual conditions (multilayered structure, cultural-generational diversity, media environment), and key strategies (institutionalization, localization, multilevel governance, smartification), yielding distinct outcomes in identity reinforcement, cultural governance improvement, participation, and university legitimacy. This analysis provides a historical-managerial theoretical framework for studying cultural policies in higher education institutions and proposes practical solutions for reconfiguration, localization, and digitalization of cultural policymaking at IAU by identifying the strengths and weaknesses of each period.

Abstract The current study examines the Studying Political Sociology of the Correlation between Political Intelligence and Different Forms of Political Participation (Case Study: Citizens of Kerman). Today, both from a theoretical and a scientific point of view, special attention is paid to the role and influence of individual components and factors affecting political participation. In this regard, this study seeks to answer this basic question: is there any meaningful correlation between the political intelligence of the citizens of Kerman and the different dimensions of their political participation? The research method in this study is descriptive-analytical. In this study, standard questionnaires have been used to measure political participation and political intelligence. The results of this study indicate that there is a significant and direct correlation between political intelligence and different dimensions of political participation among the citizens of Kerman. Also, data analysis through structural equations indicates that the standardized beta coefficient of the correlation between political intelligence and political participation is equal to (β =0.80). Furthermore, regarding the correlation between political intelligence and different dimensions of political participation according to the the calculated correlation matrix, the variable of political intelligence had a positive correlation with all dimensions of political participation, and among this, it had the highest correlation with participation in political discussions with a score of 0.725 and had the lowest correlation with participation in political gatherings with a score of 0.339.

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Abstract One of the rational foundations of jurisprudence that Imam Khomeini highlighted in his political discourse was expediency. Imam Khomeini paid attention to the fact that for the continuation of the political system in the Islamic Republic, it is vital to pay attention to the interests of the political system and society. Therefore, facing new political challenges and conditions opened the way for the use of the element of expediency, in which "public good" played a prominent and special role. The evolution of the category of expediency, which was accompanied by the rulings of Imam Khomeini, was to open political and social knots that had become "problems". Therefore, in the revision of the constitution, solving the problems of the system is one of the consultative matters that the Expediency Council He gives a leader who can solve them by securing the interests of the country and society. The sign of expediency, in the discourse of the Islamic Republic, which is the continuation of the discourse of political jurisprudence, is closely related to reason and rationality. This article clarifies that the formation of expediency was precisely based on the issue of legislation in the Islamic Republic. This issue is directly based on the relationship between Sharia and law.

Abstract Vala and bond between Muslims and innocence from infidels is considered as one of the fundamental teachings of Islam in social life, which forms a single identity under the title of one nation. In Imam Khomeini's thought, the characteristic of vala among Muslim societies is the systematicity and purposefulness of vala. The main question of the article is that in Imam's thought, the connection between Muslim societies is possible in the form of what system and model? In response, using Ayatollah Asefi's theory of Wala network, this hypothesis is examined that Imam Wala and the connection between Muslim communities are possible within the framework of a system and network with the goal of divine rapprochement. In this Wala-Barat system, which has three longitudinal dimensions (relationships of the society with God and the first things), depth (divine heritage and the tradition of the infallible) and transverse (relationships and relationships of the Islamic Ummah), the transverse dimension (link between Muslim societies) is subject to two It is a longitudinal dimension (Umm al-Qara) and a depth (Sunnah and History of the Innocents). The depth dimension is an intellectual foundation and explains the boundaries and gaps of the vala network and gives identity to the other two dimensions, and the longitudinal dimension provides the necessary authority and security for the transverse dimension and the relationship of Muslim people. This state system, on the one hand, is based on the connection between "self" (Muslims) and on the other hand, on the innocence of "others" (infidels).

Abstract The purpose of the creation of the universe can be summarized in the concept of human education. This education is deepened by the divine ruler within the human realm and becomes the foundation for nurturing a perfect human. The Islamic Revolution of Iran and the global revolution of Imam Mahdi are defined in line with this important goal. In this context, the education of humans to the level of serving Imam Mahdi can be considered a prelude to the emergence of Imam, which is regarded as the main duty of the Guardian of the Faith during the occultation era. This research aims to explain the theoretical foundations of the practical actions of Imam Khomeini and the Supreme Leader, which have been undertaken with this orientation since the beginning of the Islamic movement until now. This orientation includes five topics: promoting the discourse of monotheism and rejecting servitude to anyone other than God, reforming and deepening the concept of cognition among all members of society, fostering hope, bestowing dignity, and elucidating the Quran regarding the necessity of collective and individual uprising. Throughout this article, these elements are highlighted through theoretical explanation and practical exemplification in the conduct of Imam Khomeini and the Supreme Leader.

Abstract In the new millennium, the issue of social security has been considered as one of the pillars of national security, especially in developing countries such as Iran. The author of the present study emphasizes the assumption that national security, contrary to the traditional realistic view, does not simply mean military security at the external level, and its internal level in providing security can be as important as its external level because the study of developing countries shows It is that the greatest threat to the national security of these countries is due to internal issues, including their social and political issues, and insecurity and internal social threats are almost a common topic in the security studies of these countries. The present article tries to re-examine this issue by using the knowledge of futurology in a descriptive-analytical manner with the aim of identifying the issues and challenges of social security in the Islamic Republic of Iran.

Abstract In Iran, when it comes to sanctions, everyone's mind is on international sanctions against the country's nuclear program. But the fact is that the Islamic Republic since 1979, has always been subject to various economic and military sanctions and diplomatic pressures of Western countries and the UN Security Council with different intensity and weakness. US sanctions against Iran began after the capture of its embassy in Tehran (November 1979) and have continued unabated to this day. US and other Western sanctions have been imposed on various pretexts, including the fight against terrorism, human rights abuses, illegal nuclear activities, the construction and launch of ballistic missiles, and Iran's military intervention in other countries. Assuming the exponential nature of US-centered international sanctions, this article uses a descriptive-analytical approach to answer the question of how "anti-Iranian sanctions" have been transformed from a sociological perspective. Findings show that international sanctions against Iran, using its military, security, political, geoeconomic and geocultural functions, have evolved over time.