scientific journal Political Sociology of the Islamic Revolution

Abstract Today the plurality of theories of revolution is such that the categorization and understanding of these theories has become a kind of scientific work. A conventional and common classification of revolution theories, which is rooted in sociological theories, is structural-cultural duality or structure-agent 8. In this category, revolution theories either explain the revolution with a structural approach or with a cultural and agent approach. There have been extensive discussions around this duality and its validity. This text puts the cultural and structural investigation of the revolution in close connection with the two propositions: revolutions come and revolutions are made, and through establishing this connection to determine the position of each of the two cultural and structural approaches and then redefine the position of the two The said proposition pays. In other words, he seeks to gain a clearer understanding of such a relationship by intentionally establishing it as a method.

Abstract The concept of justice in the thought of Imam Khomeini (RA) is one of the most fundamental concepts that has a decisive presence in the personal, moral, social and political spheres. This research, with an analytical-philosophical approach, examines the foundations and various dimensions of justice in his thought and shows that justice is not just a legal or political principle, but is rooted in anthropology, ethics and teleology of human life. In this framework, individual justice is considered as the balance of self-powers, internal refinement and establishment of virtue, a prelude to the realization of justice in the social arena. According to Imam Khomeini (RA), a just society is formed when the political structure and social relations are organized based on the rejection of oppression, respect for human rights, and adherence to divine values. The findings of this research show that justice in Imam's thought is a continuous and multi-level concept that starts with the self-improvement of the individual and extends to the establishment of a just social and political order. Based on this, the relationship between individual justice and social justice in his thought is an inseparable and evolutionary relationship; In such a way that without human reformation, sustainable social justice cannot be achieved, and without a fair structure, the ground for human moral growth will not be provided.

Abstract One of the fundamental issues in the history of philosophy is the examination of the philosophical foundations of ethics, whose influence extends into fields such as political philosophy. In the classical philosophical tradition, wisdom was divided into two branches: theoretical and practical. Theoretical wisdom concerned the understanding of existential realities, while practical wisdom focused on values and normative principles in ethics and politics (tadbir al-madinah). A central question is the logic governing practical wisdom. While demonstrative reasoning (burhani) governs theoretical wisdom, it remains debatable whether the same logical structure can be applied to practical wisdom.

This paper aims to examine the role of fitrah in moral philosophy from the perspective of Mutahhari and to elucidate the foundations of Islamic ethics. The key research question is: How can universal and enduring moral principles be established based on the theory of fitrah? The hypothesis of this study is that Mutahhari, by emphasizing human fitrah and the duality of human existence (the lower and higher dimensions), defines ethics as a set of universal obligations rooted in the higher dimension of human nature.

The research employs an analytical and descriptive methodology, drawing upon Mutahhari’s works and the conceptual analysis of his views. The findings suggest that Mutahhari presents the theory of fitrah not only as a foundation for ethics but also as a response to the challenges of moral relativism and pragmatic ethical theories. Ultimately, his perspective on moral principles is grounded in a common human nature and directed toward spiritual perfection.

Abstract This article examines the political education of the digital generation Z (those born between the mid-1990s and early 2010s) and its role in the political development process in the Islamic Republic of Iran. Generation Z, as the first fully digital generation, has unique characteristics in the way it receives information, forms its identity, and interacts with political issues. This research also attempts to analyze, based on the theoretical foundations of political socialization, the concept of digital political culture, and the characteristics of Generation Z, how this generation is politically educated in the context of Iranian society and its potential effects on the components of political development (such as participation, accountability, and institution-building). The findings and results, which are based on the study of documents, scientific articles, reports, and content analysis of media related to Generation Z, such as social networks and online platforms, show that the political education of Generation Z in Iran faces numerous challenges and opportunities; On the one hand, widespread access to information and the high potential of digital participation can act as a driver of political development, but on the other hand, generational gaps, exposure to inaccurate information, and sometimes disappointment in the effectiveness of political action can become obstacles to this process.

Abstract With the emergence of the human mind as a new field of battle and the change in the nature of wars, the scope of activities has been transferred from the physical and information fields to the field of understanding and awareness, and the human brain has become a new battlefield. has been Derived from the above and with the aim of creating a transformation in the way of looking at the surrounding environment and setting the stage for carrying out specific actions, a planned and purposeful process under the title of "cognitive warfare" is taking place. Based on this, formulating any policy to deal with the enemy's cognitive warfare in the cyberspace requires the design of a realistic and applicable conceptual model.This research is based on the study of related researches, literature review, identification of conventional threats, and extraction of common concepts by posing the question, "What is the model of policy making to deal with the enemy's cognitive warfare in cyber space and what model can be drew from this study? By using the qualitative research method of the foundation type (GT), it tries to develop a conceptual model for developing a policy model for dealing with the enemy's cognitive warfare in the cyber space in accordance with local concerns and in order to prevent provide strategic surprise and avoid the parallelism of usual work. The most important methods of collecting information in this research are library studies and field research, and the resulting conceptual model has three ...

Abstract The literature on media justice in Iran has predominantly reduced the link between media justice and social solidarity to issues of content distribution or access, neglecting the qualitative understanding of recognition mechanisms at the level of lived experience. This gap deepens in multicultural settings where identity sensitivities intertwine with the symbolic order. Thus, this study explores this link by examining the lived experiences of elites in the metropolis of Kermanshah regarding the Zagros Provincial Network, drawing on Axel Honneth’s theory of justice as recognition and employing Colaizzi’s phenomenological method. Data from in-depth semi-structured interviews with 10 experts in political science, sociology, history, and management were analyzed using Colaizzi’s seven-step method. Findings reveal that perception of solidarity is a multidimensional construct tied to the need for “being seen” and “mutual valuation.” However, the current situation in Kermanshah is conceptualized as “incomplete recognition”: a halt at the affective and legal levels of recognition, with the third level (active valuation of differences) remaining unrealized. Believing in the network’s specific role, participants propose “purposeful pluralism” as a transformative strategy. By focusing on recognition justice components, problem-oriented agency, and responsible management of cultural diversity, this model can turn the Zagros network into a “recognizing platform.” Finally, conceptualizing “incomplete recognition” and “latent recognition capital,” the article extends Honneth’s theory, demonstrating that without institutionalizing recognition justice in institutions such as media, solidarity in multicultural societies is reduced to mere coexistence.

Abstract Understanding historical events is very complicated. These events are faced with different readings after they happen. Philosophical approaches have come to the aid of history enthusiasts to solve this problem. Among the numerous events of the contemporary Iranian society, the event of the 6th of Bahman 1360 in the city of Amol should be considered one of the important events in the history of the revolution, which, ironically, has been narrated exactly at the "what" level with various descriptions. In this research, an attempt has been made to investigate the nature of this event by using hermeneutic teachings. Based on the findings of this research, the epic-type narration of this movement has more credibility for various reasons. Based on the findings of the research from the text of the event, which has naturally undergone multiple official and unofficial narratives, topics such as "the unfavorable position of the leftist movements among the people of Mazandaran and Amol in that period of time", "the widespread involvement of the country in the imposed war", "the favorable position of the Imam" As the leader of the Islamic Republic among the people of Mazandaran province and Amol city, in the context of the mentioned incident, it strengthens the possibility of the authenticity of the epic narration of this event.

Abstract Jalal Aal-e-Ahmad was not the first Iranian thinker to call for the localization of Western products, concerned about the Western cultural onslaught against the pillars society. What distinguished him —a distinction articulated in the works GHRBZADEGI and In the Service and Betrayal of Intellectuals—was his critique of intellectuals as representatives of modernism, and his proposal for a "return to the self". Despite the ambiguity of "self" and the process of return, he emphasized localism and traditional values which Iranian-Shiite norms were based. Despite all these challenges, his changing Socio-cultural-political approach, and importantly, weak citations, weakened his philosophical-historical analyses, were criticized by his opponents and even proponents. According to the findings, despite efforts to move beyond Westernization, Aal-Ahmad was caught in the Western concepts and mechanisms due to disregard the philosophical understanding of the West and the weakness of historical references. Today, re-reading Westoxification, localization and delocalization in Aal-Ahmad's thought is a revision of approach, tried to redefine and preserve Iranian-Shiite identity through traditional values in contrast with promoting Westernism by the government of the time. This critical study, as a way to recognize the shortcomings and challenges of the not-so-distant past, can be helpful to overcome similar obstacles today.

The research method is historical, with a descriptive-analytical approach and based on library research.

Abstract The Shiite world, as one of the most important religious and political communities in the world, has always had a profound impact on political, social and economic developments in various regions. The historical, religious, cultural and geopolitical impacts of this world are clearly visible in regional and global developments, especially in the Islamic world. Therefore, understanding the various dimensions of Shiite geopolitics not only helps to better understand the internal and external relations of Shiite communities, but is also an essential tool for analyzing and predicting global and regional policies in today's world.

The present article is written with the aim of examining the various dimensions of Shiite geopolitics and its role in regional and global policies. This work intends to analyze the geographical location of Shiite communities in the context of historical, social and cultural developments, and specifically examine the role of Shiite in global strategies, great powers and international relations. In this regard, geopolitical theoretical concepts and models from the Shiite perspective, the relations of these societies with non-Shiite countries, and the mutual influence of religion and politics in determining the strategic position of Shiite countries in the global arena are discussed and analyzed.

Abstract The Islamic Revolution of Iran, led by religious authority and supported by broad popular participation, introduced a distinctive model of religious governance that influenced Islamic movements across the Middle East. Among these movements, Egypt’s Muslim Brotherhood engaged most seriously with the Iranian experience and sought to adapt its lessons to its own vision of Islamic government. The Muslim Brotherhood promotes Islamic sovereignty through an Islamic caliphate, where political legitimacy is based on popular allegiance (bayʿa) and authority is limited to the implementation of Islamic law (sharia).

This study provides a comparative analysis of the Iranian Revolution of 1979 and the Egyptian Revolution of 2011, focusing on the impact of Iran’s revolutionary model on Egypt’s post-revolutionary trajectory. It argues that the theory of Velayat-e Faqih, by combining divine legitimacy with popular acceptance and embedding authority within a coherent institutional framework, has offered a more sustainable model of Islamic governance. In contrast, the caliphate model in the political thought of the Muslim Brotherhood lacks institutional mechanisms compatible with the modern state, which contributed to its failure to consolidate power in Egypt. Using an analytical–comparative approach and library-based sources, the study examines both cases in terms of legitimacy, power structure, and popular participation.

Abstract The present study, with an interpretive-historical approach, examines the ideological policy of the Iranian Tudeh Party towards the imposed war on Iran by Iraq (1970-1978). This study claims that the party’s stance at this time was influenced by the interests and geopolitical considerations of the Soviet Union in the region, rather than being rooted in an independent analysis of Iran’s national interests or indigenous theoretical foundations. Also, relying on the method of critical discourse analysis and using published documents of the Tudeh Party, its official publications, and an analysis of the context of Soviet foreign policy, this study attempts to show the mechanism of the party’s ideology being influenced by Soviet foreign policy towards the imposed war on Iran by Iraq. The results show that the party’s interpretation of the war as a “fratricidal war provoked by Western imperialism” and its emphasis on the “necessity of maintaining stability in the region” were in fact in line with Soviet goals of preventing the spread of tension and maintaining the balance of power against Western influence. This alignment, despite highlighting the “anti-imperialist” aspect of the party’s ideology, led to the neglect of the national and independence-seeking dimensions of the fight against foreign aggression in the party’s discourse, and had undesirable consequences for its political and social position in Iran.

Abstract The relationship between Iran and Iraq, due to geographical proximity, historical and cultural commonalities, and their security and political significance, is considered one of the most complex bilateral relations in the Middle East. This study aims to examine the points of convergence and divergence among Iraqi political groups and parties regarding Iran and to analyze their impact on Iraq's foreign policy and regional security. The research analyzes the active Shiite, Sunni, and Kurdish currents in Iraq, their political alliances, and internal competitions, while exploring the role of religious, ideological, ethnic, and economic considerations in shaping Iraq’s foreign policy behavior. The findings indicate that Shiite groups, including the Fatah Alliance, the State of Law Coalition, and the Popular Mobilization Forces, share the strongest religious, security, and historical affinities with Iran and play a key role in political alignment and regional opportunity-building. In contrast, Sunni and Kurdish groups, despite shared interests such as counterterrorism and economic cooperation, remain cautious regarding Iran’s influence and maintain specific interactions with Arab countries, Turkey, and the United States, complicating Iraq’s foreign policy. Comparative analysis shows that internal alliances and conflicts both create opportunities for cooperation and impose limitations on foreign policy. The study concludes that a precise understanding of Iraq’s political composition, alliances, and internal conflicts is essential for Iran and can play a critical role in border security management, threat mitigation, and the exploitation of regional opportunities.

Abstract The conflict and battle in Syria is a regional and international conflict. There are two political axes with two plans and approaches in this conflict. In one of these two plans, the path of resistance and struggle against the enemies of the nation, especially the main enemy of the Zionist regime, has been chosen, and in the other plan, there is a plan to dominate and maintain the superiority of the Zionist regime over the region, which is led by the US government and its regional allies. Considering the regional dimension of the Syrian crisis, the Shiites were able to become influential by entering the Syrian crisis at the regional level. The arrival of the Arab uprising wave in Syria and the beginning of internal protests and the spread of the crisis have turned this country into a scene for the fight of numerous military groups against each other and the Alawite government, the hounding of foreign militant groups such as ISIS, the direct and indirect intervention of regional powers, and the confrontation of world powers. By designing the question of what impact the discourse of the Islamic Revolution after 2011 had on the axis of resistance and the Shiites in Syria, the present study has put forward the hypothesis that the discourse of the Islamic Revolution from 2011 to 2024 onwards played an active role in the structure of Syria and had a positive impact on strengthening the axis of resistance.

Abstract Iran and Saudi Arabia are the two top players in the region and rivals in West Asia. The events of 2003 in Iraq and the fall of Saddam led to an increase in the role and influence of Iran in sphere of this country. In this regard, Saudi Arabia tried to increase its geopolitical influence in Iraq, and to prevent influence of Iran, which, according to the Saudis, Iraq is the first Arab Shia government and one of the important links of the axis of resistance. Therefore, the main goal of this research is to analyze the policies and mechanisms of Saudi confrontation with Iran and the axis of resistance in sphere of modern Iraq. To achieve the main goal, the descriptive-analytical method and the theoretical framework of threat balance have been used.

The findings of the research show that the Saudis consider Iraq a part of the axis of resistance. They are against the influence of the Iran in this country. From their point of view, the continuation of Iran's influence in Iraq not only improves the regional position of the Islamic Republic, but also leads to a change in the balance of power in favor of the axis of resistance. Therefore, by supporting Sunnis and secular Shiites, creating cynicism in the media against Iran, trying to create insecurity by inciting ISIS to attack Iraq, getting close to America with the aim of weakening the balance of power to the detriment of the Iran and the axis of resistance.

Abstract Considering that the Islamic Republic of Iran is a member of both organizations, the study also addresses Iran’s position within the international regime for the protection of the marine and aviation environment and the interaction between its international obligations and the requirements of national sovereignty. The research employs a descriptive–analytical method and is based on library research, utilizing legal sources, international documents, and relevant conventions. The examination of the competences of IMO and ICAO demonstrates that these organizations play a significant role in improving safety and reducing environmental pollution through the development of technical standards and regulations in maritime and air transportation. The IMO seeks to ensure safe shipping and prevent marine pollution, while the ICAO based on the provisions of the Chicago Convention and the principles of international air law, including the principle of state sovereignty over airspace has developed frameworks for international cooperation in environmental protection. As a member of these organizations, the Islamic Republic of Iran has also taken steps toward aligning its domestic regulations with international standards and implementing environmental requirements. In international environmental law, the principle of state sovereignty is recognized alongside states’ responsibility to prevent environmental harm to other countries. Accordingly, the competences of the IMO and ICAO should not be viewed as conflicting with state sovereignty but rather as part of a framework for international cooperation aimed at environmental protection. For countries such as the Islamic Republic of Iran, this requires strengthening domestic legal and institutional mechanisms to effectively implement international standards.

Abstract parties and organizations. So, the question that arises here is how to analyze and examine the position of constitutional agents in the failure of this movement with a sociological approach? The hypothesis of the research is that the internal contradictions and obvious contradictions in the actions of the groups involved in this revolution are considered the main reason for the failure of this movement. The results of the research show that the lack of a correct definition of the constitution, the transformation of constitutionalism into the formation of a new state in the form of a powerful person (here Reza Shah), the contradictions and divisions of the institution of the clergy, as well as the challenge of the clergy with the complete introduction of concepts and values Western influence - which was in conflict with Islamic values - to the Iranian society, the intervention of foreign powers and the control of the process of constitutional changes caused the failure of the constitution, and the final result was the birth of a new dictatorship from its heart. The research method in this article is descriptive-analytical, and the data was collected in a library and survey method.

Abstract The present study was conducted with the aim of investigating the relationship between the activity of users in Telegram and Instagram social networks and their political activism in the cities of Tehran as the political-economic capital and Qom as the cultural-religious capital of the country. This study was carried out using a combined method including library study and survey using a questionnaire tool. The validity of the questionnaire was calculated by the face validity method and its reliability by Cronbach's alpha. The statistical population of this research is all members of Telegram and Instagram social networks over 15 years of age who live in Tehran and Qom, and 768 people were selected as a sample using Cochran's sampling formula and using cluster sampling. were selected The results of this research show a significant relationship between the two variables of activity in social networks and political activism of users, and the Spearman statistic at the 95% significance level is 0.24. Currently and based on the statements of the respondents, users are doing conventional political activism. However, if legal channels are closed for political activism, it can be predicted that unconventional methods of activism such as civil disobedience, protests, strikes, etc. will be used by activists.

Abstract The primary objective of this research was to identify, precisely analyze, and explain the complex structure of institutional facilitators within the academic entrepreneurial ecosystem at the University of Tehran, based on "Institutional Theory". This study seeks to understand how institutional pressures in Iran distort or facilitate the path of knowledge commercialization. From a paradigmatic perspective, this research falls within the category of qualitative studies and employs a "deep single-case study" strategy focusing on the University of Tehran.

The results of the thematic network analysis categorized the facilitating institutions into three main global themes, which structurally align with the global interactive model known as the "Triple Helix Theory". A significant point in the findings was the high frequency of "Cultural Policy", indicating the dominance of the normative and cognitive institutional dimensions at the macro level over formal policies. The primary innovation of this research, beyond confirming global patterns, lies in the "localization" and highlighting of the importance of informal institutions. This study demonstrated that in the Iranian environment, informal institutions often operate more powerfully than written laws, and the absence of a "market logic" has caused economic incentives to be overshadowed by bureaucracy. The final conclusion suggests that the success of this ecosystem in Iran depends on resolving internal bureaucratic knots, strengthening informal institutions, and compensating for the lack of "free market mechanisms" as a missing institutional logic.

Abstract Islamic governance and republicanism are two key concepts in the political system of the Islamic Republic of Iran, and the relationship between these two concepts in the Islamic Republic of Iran is what shapes the problem of this research. Clarifying this issue requires a careful balance between religious principles and social needs. The method of this research, which is qualitative and based on library studies, reveals that although one of the main challenges of the combination of Islamic governance and republicanism is the conflict of principles that may lead to conflict in decision-making, how strengthening civil institutions can help increase public participation and strengthen the foundations of popular governance. Legal reforms to align laws with Islamic principles and popular governance can help achieve these common goals so that it is an appropriate and efficient model with implementation capabilities. The Islamic Republic of Iran system, as a unique model, is trying to combine the principles of Islamic governance with the concepts of popular governance and republicanism. This system seeks to create a balance between religious authority and popular will. Examining the commonalities between Islamic governance and republicanism, as well as solving problems and overcoming challenges in the Islamic Republic system, can help to better understand this governance model.